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THIE 



LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION 



RICHARD. EARL OF BELLOMONT, 



GOVERNOR OF THE PROVINCES 



NEW YORK, MASSACHUSETTS AND NEW HAMPSHIRE. 



FROM 1697 TO 1701. 



AN ADDRESS 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AT 

THE CELEBRATION OF ITS SEVENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY, 

TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 18th, 1879, 



FKEDERIC DE PEYSTER, LL.D., F. R. II. S., 

PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY f/^ ^ 




% 






NEW YORK: 
PUBLISHED FOR THE SOCIETY. 



MDCCCLXXIX. 






isroTE, 



Owing to a misunderstanding with the printer, the " proof sheets " of this Address 
were not dihgentiy compared with tlie author's manuscript, in consequence of which, 
several typographical and orthographical errors and a few other mistakes occur in its 
pages. As these errors were not discovered until the entire edition of the Address had 
gone through the press, the printing of an errata became necessary. It will be found 
on page 60. 

• By 'iTSknafor 

MAR 30 19)7 



SEVENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY, 



At a meeting of the New York Historical Society, held in its 
Hall, on Tuesday Evening, November 18th, ISTVt, to celebrate the 
Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Founding of the Society, the 
First Vice-President, Mr. Charles O'Conor, presided. 

In accordance with the course observed on similar commemo- 
rative occasions, the Eev. Thomas E. A^ermilye, D. D., senic»r 
minister of the Keformed (Dutch) Church, New York City, at the 
request of the i^residing officer offered up a very impressive and 
appropriate prayer. 

Mr. O'Conor then introduced the orator of the evening, 
Frederic de Peyster, LL. D., President of the Society, wlio 
delivered the Anniversary Address, the subject being " The Life 
and Administration of Richard, Earl of Bellomont." 

On the conclusion of the address, lion. Erastus Brooks, after 
some remarks, submitted the following resolution : 

Resolved^ That the thanks of the Society be presented to the 
President of the Society, Frederic de Peyster, Esq., LL. D.. for his 
learned and able address delivered before the Society this evening, 
and that a copy be reqiiested for publication. . 

The resolution was seconded by Prof. TIenry Drisler, LL. D. 
M'ith remarks, and was adopted unanimously. 

[E.\tract from the Minutes.] 

[Signed] ANDREW WARNER, 

Recording Secretai'y. 



O(fk'ci-) of (fo 8oclcf>j, IS79» 



PRESIDENT, 



FREDERIC DE PEYSTER. LL.D., F.R.H.S. 



FIRST VICE-PRESIDENT, 



CHARLES O'CONOR. 

SECOND VICE-PRESIDENT, 

BENJAMIN H. FIELD. 

FOREIGN CORRESPONDING SECRETARY, 

ERASTUS C. BENEDICT, LL.D. 

DOMESTIC CORRESPONDING SECRETARY, 

EDWARD F. DE LANCE Y. 

RECORDING SECRETARY, 

ANDREW WARNER. 

TREASURER, 

BENJAMIN B. SHERMAN. 

LIBRARIAN, 

JACOB B. MOORE. 



txinni'wi: ^OHMfffffcc. 



FIRST CLASS — FOR ONE VEAR, ENDING 1880. 

BENJAMIN H. FIELD, WILLIAM DOWD. 

GEORGE H. MOORE, LL.D. 

SECOND CLASS — FOR TWO YEARS, ENDING 1881. 

SAMUEL OSGOOD, D.D., WILLIAM R. MARTIN, 

CHARLES P. KIRKLAND, LL.D. 

THIRD CLASS — FOR THREE YEARS, ENDING 1882. 

EDWARD F. DE LANCEY, JAMES H. TITUS, 

JACOB D. VERMILYE. 

FOURTH CLASS — FOR FOUR YEARS, ENDl.NG 1883. 

JOHN TAYLOR JOHNSTON, ERASTUS C. BENEDICT, LL.D.. 

ROBERT LENOX KENNEDY. 

CHARLES P. KIRKLAND, LL.D., Chairman. 
JACOB B. MOORE, Secretary. 

[The President, Recording Secretary, Treasurer, and Librarian are members, cx-offwio, of the 
Executive Committee.] 



toMMHiltcc OH fffc tJ'mc ^-lii^. 



ASHER B. DURAND, 
ANDREW WARNER. 
GEORGE H. MOORE, 



JOHN A. WEEKS. 
DANIEL HUNTINGTON, 
CEPHAS G. THOMPSON. 



ASHER B. DURAND, Chairman. 
ANDREW WARNER. Secretary. 

(The Presideju, Librarian, and Chairman uf the Executive Committee are members, e.v-officio, 
of the Committee on the Fine Arts.l 



/% 



a-^ 




LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION 



OF 



RICHARD, EARL OF^ BELLOMONT. 



The subject wliicli I have chosen for mj Address, this evening, 
is a sketch of the Life and Administration of Ricliard. Earl of 
Bellomont, Governor of the Provinces of New ^'ork, Massachusetts 
and Xew Hampshire, under A\"ilHam tiie Third. As the time at 
my disposal is limited, I shall be able to refer only to the most 
important details of Governor Belloniont's administration, confining 
my remarks principally, if not wholly, to those bearing in an espe- 
cial manner on the history of the Province of New York. 

As the tirst actual friend of the peo])le and sympathizer with 
honest democratic forms of government who administered the 
affairs of this Colony under the English crown, the Earl of Bello- 
mont nmst ever have a strong claim to the respect and reganl of 
the citizens of this State ; and, as the untlinching foe of dishonesty 
in every form, an eciually strong claim to the respect and regard of 
all impartial men. 

In the first named particular, Bellomont was in comjjlete 
accord with the gi-eat mass of the inhabitants, then chiefly Dutch, 
or of Dutch descent. He bravely and consistently defended the 
memory of their two leaders, Leisler and Milbonie, who perished on 
the scaffold, victims to the implacable hatred of a small but powerful 
clique of persons whose only thought was profit and self-aggran- 



'A LIFE ANli AD.MIXISTKATKI.N OF 

dizemeiit. He likewise insisted upon justiee lieina; done to tlie 
niemorv of tliese unfortunate men, and on tiie restitution of their 
property to their suffering fanulies, altliougli in ,so doing he knew 
tliat the hatred of those opposed to tliese proceedings woidd l)e 
transferred to himself. 

A marked feature of iJellonioiit's career was that lie disdained 
to increase his fortune by affiliation or collusion with ])uliiic or 
private plunderers, although at that time no province under the 
English Cro«n offered more abundant or safer facilities for amassing 
great wealth than the Province of Xew York. His study of the 
affairs of the Province previous to coming thither, had tended to 
convince him that the so-called aristocratic paity, here, that assumed 
to influence and direct the administration of the colonial govern- 
ment, was composed principally of persons whose conduct was 
selfish in the extreme, and who preyed on the Colony to the great 
detriment of its material ]>rosperity and the peace and welfare of 
its inhabitants, openly in defiance of the law. His strong and 
ever present sense of duty would not allow him, once having 
assumed office, to neglect enforcing the Acts of Parliament bearing 
on the idfairs of his government, even though some of them were 
obnoxious to the jjeople ; but he i-esolvetl to conciliate the loyal 
and well-disposed inhabitants i)y a determined opposition to wrong- 
doing in every form. 

The life of such a personage cannot be devoitl of interest to 
the general public, and must afford many valuable lessons to the 
thoughtful student of history. It is additionally interesting from 
the fact that it is more or less intimately connected with events 
that have stamped themselves indelibly upon the pages of history. 
The greatest among these was the English Revolution, which, by 
forcing the abdication of James II, and raising to the English 
throne the sagacious, brave and patriotic William, Prince of Orange, 
" dispelled all the mysteries of kingcraft and priestcraft, and 
settled monarchy on its only true basis, the rights of the people." * 

* Note to Williams's edition of Blackatone's Coiiuiicntaries. 



RiciiAKii. i:ai;i, of Ri:i,i.o:vroxT. .1 

As we are often (Mial>le(l to gain a cleai'er insight to the 
character of a man hy a knowledge of liis family history and 
descent, I shall hegin this Address hy presenting a hrief genealogy 
of (Governor Bellomont, and saying a few words ahont the Coote 
family, of which he was a distingnished representative. 

According to tlie records of the I'ritisli Peerage, the family of 
Coote is of very ancient date, heing ahle to trace its lineage back 
to Sir John f'oote, a native and knight of France, who Hourished, 
it is snpposed, sometime in the eleventh eentnry. This Sir John 
married the daughter and heiress of the Lord of Boys in the same 
kingdom, and had issue a son, likewise Sir John, who came over to 
England, and settled in I)evonshii-e. where he married the daughter 
of Sir John Forteacue of that county. The descendants of this 
union contracted alliances with other families of wealth and position 
in England ; and from this source are s])rung the several distin- 
guished families of later times hearing the name of Coote. 

In the reign of Queen Elizaljeth the immediate ancestoi- of 
Lord Bellomont was Fi-ancis Coote, Esq., who was in the service of 
the Queen. His son. Sir Nicholas Coote, was living in the year 
liMM). Sir Nicholas had issue two sous; the elder son, Charles, his 
heir, the grandfather of the Earl of I>ellomont, entered the service 
of his country as a .soldier, and, as Captain of " one hundred foot," 
served in Ireland in the wars against O'Neil, Earl of Tyrone. 
He subsequently became Provost Marshal of Connaught, and later, 
Vice-President of the same Province ; and in lfi2L having receiitly 
been sworn of the Privy Council, he was created a baronet of Ireland, 
by Letters Patent dated April :id in the same year. Some years 
previous to receiving this last honor. Sir Charles married " Dorothea, 
the younger daughter and coJieir of Hugh Ckiffe, Esq., of Cuffe's 
Woods, C'ounty Cork, Ireland, and had issue three sons, Charles, 
Chidley, and Richard."* Fpon the l)reaking out of the Irish 
Rebellion, in Ifi-Il. he again entered the tield, this time at the head 



* Burke'.s Extinct and Dormant Peerages of Great Britain and Ireland. 



4 I.IFF, AND ADMINISTRATIOK OF 

of one thousand men. ^Vlthougli lie rendered himself peculiarly 
obnoxious to the inhabitants '' In- his sangiiinarv speeches at the 
council board and massacres throughout the country,"* and won a 
most unenviable reputation by the excessive severity and harshness 
with which he conducted his campaigns against the Irish, he M'as 
acknowledged to be a most successful niilitary chief. ( )ne of his 
most notable military successes, was the surprising passage of 
Montrath Woods. In this daring exploit he advanced to the relief 
of the Castle of Birr at the head of thirty dismounted dragoons, 
beat off the enemy with the loss of their leader and forty men, and 
after spending forty-eight hours in the saddle, returned to camjj 
without having lost a single man.f About a year later he lost his 
life in a sally from the town of Trim. At his death, his eldest son 
Charles, who held the office of Provost Marshal of Connaught — 
to which he had been appointed on the promotion of his father to 
the Presidency — succeeded to the title of Baronet. In KH;"), the 
civil war being then at its height, he was made Lord President of 
( 'onnaught. and during the ensuing ten or twelve years was actively 
engaged in warlike operations in various parts of Ireland. He was 
a staunch adherent of the " Republicans," and received many dis- 
tinguished marks of favoi- from Parliament. His principles, how- 
ever, seem to have been somewhat elastic, for when, on the death 
of Cromwell, pxiblic agitation began to shape itself in favor of the 
Kestoratiou, he was one of the first among the parliamentary 
leaders who fell in with the current of popular opinion. Acting 
simultaneously with several other prominent parliamentarians, who 
from various motives now declared for Charles II, he made himself 
master of Galway and Athlone, and soon after took possession of 
Dublin Castle. 

A Convention favorable to the Restoration was assembled in 
Dublin, and continued its session in defiance of the orders of the 
English Council of State. The declaration of Charles II, at Breda, 
being presented to the Convention, was accepted by acclamation ; 

* Encyclopadia Americana. 

\ Burke's Extinct and Dormant Peerages of Great Britain and Ireland. 



KKllAI.'li. KAKT, OF liELLOTroXT. O 

and, amid great rejoieiiigs, tlie King \v;is jjroelaiined in all the large 
towns thronghont Ireland. "Tims." to use the langnage of an 
impartial writer, "the restoration of the son in Ii-eland, was effected 
by the same persons who had heeii mainly instrumental in hringing 
his father to the block." ■" 

While these events were progressing. Sir ( harles ( 'oote 
despatched a trusty messenger to the Marqness of Ormonde at 
Brussels, requesting that His Majesty be informed of his affection 
and duty, and declaring that the whole kingdom of Ireland was 
reailv to receive him. The Kino-, who knew the strength of Sir 
Charles and the importance of his support, received this declaration 
with great satisfaction ; and in i-eturn for his loyalty promised him 
an earldom, and a high military command. After the Restoration, 
the King, who, whatever were his faults, was not unfaithful to his 
friends, confirmed Sir Charles in his post of Lord President of 
Connaught, appointed him Keeper of the Castle of Athlone, 
granted him various important iinnmnities, and raised him to the 
peerage of Ireland, under the title of tlie Earl of Montrath, by Letters 
Patent dated the fith of September, KidO; this title being chosen 
in commemoration of the famous exploit of his father, previously 
i-eferred to. The favor of the King did not however confine itself 
to Sir Charles ; on the same day that the latter was created an Earl, 
his brotlier Richard, who had likewise been active in promoting the 
Restoration, was raised to the peerage, as Baron Coote of Colooney, 
County Sligo, Ireland. 

Some twenty -five or thirty years previous to Ids elevation to 
tlie peerage, Richard Coote married Mary, the second daughter of 
Sir George St. George, Baronet, of Carrickdrumruske. County 
Leitrim, Ireland. Erom this union there were four children, 
Charles. Richard, Chidley, and Thomas. The first named died in 
infancy. The father, Lord Coote, died on the 10th of July, 1H83. 
At his death, Richard, his eldest surviving son, inherited the 
title. 



* Ree's Encyclopiedia. 



6 I.IFK AXn AniflXISTR ATIOX OF 

Richard, the second Baron ( 'oote (aftei'wards Karl of Bello- 
mont), was l)()rn in KlMCi. ( )f Ins career during- the early yeai's of 
his life, very little is recorded. The first mention of him in history 
is as a member of Parliament for Dwitwich. Entjland. a ]ilace long; 
celebrated for its famous salt springs, and sn|)])os(>d to have l)een 
the Salina? of the Romans ; and he a])])ears to have represented 
this borough several years. 

Tlie restoration of the Stuarts, although welcomed l)v tlie 
people as a guaranty of peace, stamped the democratic revolution 
in England as a failure, but this failure did not kill the i)rinciples 
involved. The doctrine of passive obedience to tlie will of the 
sovereign, zealously upheld by the gi-eat reformers — Lnther, C'ram- 
ner, Ridley, and Latimer — had received a severe blow; and the 
right of resistance, incidcated by Calvin and Knox, had been too 
successfully tested to lie forgotten. iJepublican ]n-inciples. the 
inevitable outgrowth of this lattei' doctrine, which contained the 
germs of political freedom, were hut temporarily stifled, and from 
motives of policy rather than fear, lay dormant during the reign of 
the second Charles. These jn-inciples, it is true, were cherished 
only by the thoughtful few; hut firndy rooted in their minds, 
were destined to liear golden fruit ere the close of the century. 
Augmented l)y a fear, if n<it detestation of Catholicism, they first 
showed themselves in the English Commons, whicli, on three con- 
secutive occasions, passed the bill excluding the Duke of York, 
recently converted to that faith, from the succession to the throne. 
This bill, it is almost needless to say, wa.s defeated l»y the action of 
the Lords and the King. Even the people were not yet ready for 
so violent a measure ; and on the death of Cliarles, no opposition 
was shown ])y them to the succession of his brother James. 

As on the occasion of Charles II coming to the throne, so on 
the accession of .James, the nation " wearied with plots and cabals," 
and heartily disgusted with the constant agitations and fears to 
which it had been made a prey during the preceding reign, " had 
run into the extreme f)f loyalty and subservience." The King's 
will again became the indisptited law, and liy new enactments of 



KIl llAKli. KAKI, OK liKI.I.( iM< iNT. I 

tlie Parliament the Kin,i;V Couiu-il was vested with ainiust despotic 
power. Large revenues were accorded the sovereign, who was 
tlius entirely relieved from tliat galling dependence on Parliament 
which had so effectively held his predecessor in clieck. Peaceful 
relations with Holland were entered ui)on with great earnestness 
l)v James, and many acts of kindness and attention were shown hy 
him to his son-in-law, the Stadtholder. 

The speedy su])pression of the insurrection headed hy the 
Duke of Monmouth, natural son of Charles II, served to strengthen 
and contirm the power of James. But he v.as foolish enough to 
use his opportunities to effect his own i-nin. Taking advantage of 
the excitement attending the rehellion, he instituted measures 
having for their object the restoration of the Catholic religion and 
the establishment of a standing ai-my. The fears of tlie nation — 
who was devoted to Protestantism — were excited, and decided 
opposition was awakened. These fears were still further increased 
bv the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, by L(.>uis XIV; and the 
mend)ers of the Reformed ( 'liui-ch throughout Europe shared the 
alarm of the English people. Erench persecution drove hundreds 
of Protestants to England for safety, and this leaven, operating 
upon the agitated nation, hastened the development of the crisis, 
that tliree years later was to force the King to abandon his throne. 

Despite the growing distrust of the King by the nation, James 
maintained the mo.st friendly relations with the Stadtholder of 
Holland; he declared he was not in sympathy with Louis in his 
harsh measures against the Erench Protestants, and asserted that 
the measures he had himself instituted in England, had no other 
oliject than the vindication of liis royal prerogatives, and were 
intended as much for the benefit and security of his successor 
as for himself. 

The nobility of England, in unis(.>n (.)n the subject of the 
protection of their riglits against all encroachments, were divided 
into two great parties. The Tories in accord with the Spiritual 
Lords may be termed the party of " divine right." The Whigs, 
more liberal, opposed ])rincipally the encroachments of the sovereign ; 



p lifj: and admixistkatiox of 

they accepted the spirit of tlie ai>e, and may lie termed the party 
of "progress." The conduct of James, who evidently no longer 
pretended to govern by the laws of the land, but according to his 
own will and pleasure, was well calculated to excite the fears of 
l)i)tli parties. Wlien. however, it became "manifest that nothing 
short of the overthrow of the Protestant Church was his ultimate 
design,'' the indignation of both Tories and Whigs was aroused. 

In the spring of 1688, James gave mortal olfeuce to the clergy 
of the established Church by his second declaration of liberty of 
conscience. The doctrine of passive obedience having been found 
to work disadvantageously to the prospects of the Clnirch, was no 
longer advocated by the bishops ; and setting the example, in their 
own persons, of resistance to the royal order, seven of their number 
refused to pi-omulgate this declaration. For this offence they were 
im]ii-isoned, but on trial were acquitted, greatly to the joy of the 
nation. Protestants of all sects took alarm at the conduct of the 
King. The Presbyterians, compelled by the firmness evinced by 
the seven bishops of the Church of England to acknowledge that 
they were wrong in accusing that Church of a leaning towards 
Catholicism, joined with it in the struggle for the preservation of 
the State and the Protestant religion. To this large and important 
element were united all opposed to James, whatever their party or 
denomination. 

Up to this time relief had been looked for by the Protestants 
only from the succession to the throne of their co-religionist, Mary, 
the elder daughter of James, and wife of Prince William of Orange, 
then Stadtholder of Holland. But even in this patient hope they 
seemed destined to disappointment, for, on the Utth of June, 1688, 
the King's second wife, Mary of Modena, like himself a CathoKc, 
gave birth to a son. There were many who hjoked upon the 
new-born Prince of Wales as a supposititious child ; and, as may 
be imagined, this belief, although without any other foundation 
than a deep-seated distrust of James, tended to increa«se the outcry 
against him. 

Both parties of the aristocracy and all branches of the Protes- 



KICIIARD, EAKL OF BKLLOMONT. 9 

tant church now concurred in tlie l)L'lief th;it nothing hut iwohition 
could save the religion and liherties of England : and in the 
husband of the Princess Mary was diseei-ned one competent to act 
as the deliverer of the nation. Several English gentlemen betook 
themselves to Holland on various pretences, but really with the 
design of influencing the Prince of Orange to secure his wife's suc- 
cession. Private negociations were also entered into witJi William, 
through Gilbert Bin-net, afterward Bishop of Salisbury. A jiowcrful 
reason urged why William should interest himself in the project, 
was that it promised protection to Holland by preventing the union 
or alliance between England and France which must follow the 
overthrow of the Church of England.* It was finally decided to 
invite William to come over to England ; he demurred at tirst, but 
finally yielded, upon being assured that his wife had I'cadily 
promised to surrender the suj^reme authority to him in the event of 
her reaching the throne. 

Arrangements for the invasion of England were speedily per- 
fected, and a succession of fortunate circumstances enabled William 
to land at Torbay, in the south of England, on the otli day of 
November, 1688.f Englishmen of rank and influence now hastened 
to join him, and his march to London was one continuous ovation. 

At the time of the accession of James II to the throne, Lord 
Coote quitted England for the Continent, where he remained 
for several years. The important services rendered by his family 
to Charles II, made him well known at court, and his prolonged 
absence was remarked. Displeased and possil^ly disturbed by it, 
for the King knew that he was a staunch protestant, James issued 
an order on the '2'2d of November, 1687, peremjDtorily command- 
ing his return under pain of proscription. Thus admonished. Lord 
Coote came back to England the same year, and the following year 
entered Parliament. 

A prominent W^hig, Lord Coote was one of the principal 
leaders in the movement to establish the Protestant succession ; 

* Trevor's Lt'/e of William III. 
■j- Clavis Caletidaria. Vol. II, p. 229. 



10 LIKE AND ADMIMSTKATION OF 

ami wlieii it liecaiiie known that the Prince of Orange had accepted 
the invitation of the bishops and nobles to come into England, he 
wa.s among the lirst who hastened to welcome him. Willliam 
received him cordially, and immediately apjwinted him to a position 
near his person. A few weeks after William and Mary were seated 
on the throne, he was appointed Treasurer and Receiver General to 
the Queen. Pleasing in person and manner, sensible and honest, 
he became a warm personal friend of the King. In conse(pience 
he incurred the severe displeasure of James, now a fugitive in 
Ireland, and on the assembling of the Jacobite Parliament at Dublin, 
he wa.-* attainted. Being an Irish peer this was a serious matter, 
as it involved the confiscation of whatever property he possessed 
in Ireland. On the other hand, tliis mark of the fallen monarch's 
displeasure served to increase the regard in which he was held by 
William ; and in evidence of this he was created Earl of Bellomont, 
by Royal Letters issued on the 2d of November, 1689 ; he also 
received other and more substantial marks of the royal favor. 
Early in the year 1695, William thought tit to name the Earl 
of Bellomont to be Governor of New York. At this period affairs 
in tlie American colonies were in a most unsatisfactory condition 
to the English government. The alarming increase of piracy, 
which threatened to drive all commerce from the seas, and an 
" >ndawfnl trade in fraud of the acts of Navigation and Plantations, 
intinitely prejudicial to England," were two of the most serious 
evils, and called for immediate repression. The presence at New 
York, "a place remarkably infected with those two dangerons 
diseases," of a Governor of an unusually strong will and honesty of 
character, was imperatively demanded. In this emergency the 
King settled upon his trusted friend Bellomont, who more than any 
one about him he felt confident possessed the necessary requisites 
for tilling this important position. In notifying Bellomont of his 
ap]Jointment, William remarked that " he thought him a Man of 
Resolution and Integrity, and with those qualitications more likely 
than any other he could think of to put a stop to that illegal Trade, 
and to the growth of Piracy ; for which reason he made choice of 



RICH AMI I. EAKL OF BELLI IMOXT. 11 

liim for that Government, and for the same reason intended to put 
the Government of New England into his liands." 

To appreciate ftilly the true condition of tlie Xortliern American 
colonies at the time of Bellomont's appointment — which is desirable 
in order to comprehend correctly tiie magnitude of the task 
entrusted to him — it is necessary to glance at the causes that dur- 
ing the preceding fifty years or more had been actively at work in 
developing this condition. 

Towards the middle of the seventeenth century, the intolerance 
and covetousness of the Puritan settlers in America had nearly cost 
Holland her colony on the Hudson lki\er, Cromwell having been 
induced, through the representations of the aggressi\e New 
Englanders, to take steps to conrpier New Xetherland. Although 
the Treaty of 1653 interfered with this project — the Protector in 
this Treaty admitting the territorial rights of the Dutch — it did so 
for a short time only. When Charles IT was restored to the 
English throne, the boundary lines between New England and New 
Netherland were still unsettled. In lfifi2, Connecticut secured a 
patent from the English government, conveying to it a large jior- 
tion of the province occupied by the Dutch ; and to enforce this 
unjust grant even went so far as to send troops to drive out the 
inhabitants and take possession. 

The enmity to the Dutch was not, however, confined to the 
English in America. The British government, jealous of the com- 
mercial success of Holland, passed the most stringent laws prohibit- 
ing foreign vessels trading with the English colonies. These laws 
failed to produce the desired result in America, and finally it was 
determined to usurp New Netherland. 

At the instigation of the Earl of Clarendon, then Prime 
Minister, Chai-les II, in 1664, granted to his brother James, the 
Duke of York, a large portion of American ten'itoi'y including 
New Netherland, to which, as is well known, he had not the 
faintest shadow of a rightful claim. At this time the Duke of 
York was Chief Director of the British East India C!ompany, and 



12 LIFE AND ADMINISTKATION OF 

was desirous of pusliiiiff its interests against tlie rival Dutch Com- 
pany ; lie was also Lord High Admiral of England, and as such had 
supreme command of the British Xavy. 

The unwearied industry and patient endurance of the Dutch 
had enabled them to gain possession of such an important foreign 
trade, that the English were obliged to bestir themselves in order 
to master this successful rivalry. Public sentiment in Great Bri- 
tain had been assiduously worked up to a hatred of the Dutch, and 
, at last Parliament prayed the King to take measures " to redress the 
wrongs done to His Majesty by the subjects of the United Pro- 
vinces." * Here was an opportimity for the young and ambitious 
Duke of York. War seemed imminent ; but without waiting for 
the storm to burst, James who found his arbitrary measures in 
pushing the interests of the English Company " twarted by vessels 
of war belonging to the Dutch Republic, secretly despatched a 
squadron under Sir Robert Holmes, to make reprisals on the Hol- 
landers, who had, he believed, broken the treaty they had entered 
into with the English." + Holmes proceeded directly to Africa, 
and after some success against the Dutch settlements on tlie coast, 
returned to England. Thence with a fleet consisting of four ves- 
sels of war, having on board the Connnissioners appointed by the 
Duke of York iinder authority of the Privy Council, and a force 
of four hundred and tifty soldiers, be sailed to North America, 
leaving Poi'tsmonth, England, early in May, 1664 ; and arrived at 
Boston, " after a tedious voyage of ten weeks.":): By the middle 
of August, the English, in imposing force, presented themselves be- 
fore New Amsterdam. It was madness for the Dutch inhabitants 
to think of defending the city, as the Fort had been constructed 
solely with a view to protecting them from an inland attack, and 
was useless against ships of war. Besides this, the Dutch fleet was 
absent from the North American waters, and its succor could not 
be expected. The regular attacking force of English, which alone 

* Davies' Hist, of Holland. 

\ Gust's Lives of the Warriors. Vol. II, p. 482. 

\ Brodhead's Commemorative Address, p. 26. 



RiniARI), EARI. OP' liEI.r.oMOXT. 13 

outnumbered the Dutch gai-rison, was largely increased by aux- 
iliaries from Connecticut and the eastern end of Long Island, a 
number of whom were savages.* 

The brave old Stuyvesant mustered his small force, and pre- 
pared for the defence ; but the people of the city, more prudent 
though no less brave, tinally persuaded him that it was his duty to 
surrender, and the \eteran was forced to yield, although he sorrow- 
fully declare he " had much i-ather be carried out dead."t 

Colonel Kichard Nicolls, who was the Duke's companion iu 
exile, and had come over in the expedition commanded by Sir Robert 
Holmes and Sir Eobert Carr, as Deputy Governor of the new 
Province, now assumed the administration of alfairs : he re-named 
the city "New York," in honor of his royal master, and later, 
having subjected Fort Orange, up the Hudson, gave to that place 
the name of "Albany,'' after a Scotch title of James. 

It is unnecessary here to enter into details regarding the rule 
of the Duke of Yoi-k in the newly acquired province. Towards 
the close of the year 16M, the City of New York was incorporated. 
The Governor and C'ouncil exercised almost despotic sway through- 
out the province, the inhabitants of which had nothing approxi- 
mating even to political liberty. Harshness was the rule of the 
administration, and grinding taxation the method resorted to to 
enslave the people. 

In 1072 the States of Holland and Zealand raised William, 
Prince of Orange, to the othce of Stadth(jlder. Louis XIY now 
sought to inilame the ambition of William by otfering to make 
him sovereign of the I'nited Pi'o\inces under French and English 
protection ; but the latter was proof against these offers ; and to 
the remarks of the English ambassadors, that if he rejected them 
he would behold the ruin of his country, he replied : " I have 

* James W. Gerard. 

f Dunlap's //ist. of the Neiv Netherlands, Province of New York and State of 
Neiv York, to the adoption of the Federal Constitution. 



li LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION OF 

thought of a means to avoid beholding the riiiii of my couiitrv to 
die in the last ditch." * 

At length Charles II, urged on liy the King of France, opened 
hostilities against the Dutch. The opportunity now presenting 
itself to reconquer New Netherland, which had been so unjustly 
seized by the English, in 1664, the Dutch despatched a squadron 
of iive war ships, under the brave commodores Benkes and Evert- 
sen, to New York. On arriving in the bay, Benkes and Evertseii 
sent a formal demand for tlie surrender of the city ; and on the 
30th of July, Captain Manning, in command of the English gar- 
rison of the Fort, surrendered to the Dutch fleet without striking a 
blow. Having taken possession the conquerers changed the name 
of the city to "New Orange," and appointed Captain Anthony 
Colve — who came over with the expedition — (Tovernor. The 
greater part of the population being Dutch, the new regime was 
lieartily welcomed ; and the officers and magistrates of the Province 
willingly took the oath of allegiance to the States General and the 
Prince of Orange. 

The wonderful successes of the intrepid Dutch admii-als, De 
Ruyter and Tromp, eventually compelled the English to withdraw 
their fleets from the coast of Holland, where they seemed to obtain 
the least permanent advantage ; and as they retreated, the coura- 
geous Dutch went so far as to follow in pursuit. The people of 
England were maddened by these inglorious proceedings, and a 
strong feeling gi-ew up against the French alliance, it being openly 
asserted that Louis was using the English for the gratification of 
his own ambitious designs. Another circumstance that greatly 
influenced public opinion in favor of peace, was the frightful 
ravages made by the privateere of Zealand upon the English mer- 
chant marine. Added to this, Spain and Norway, taking alarm at 
the plan of conquest pursued by the French monarch, assumed a 
threatening attitude. Ever zealous of their commercial prosperity, 
and foreseeing that in the event of a war with these powers, their 

* Davies History of Hollatid. 



KU'IIAKI), EAKI. OF HELM )M( INT. 15 

trade must inevitalily lie transferred to the Ignited Provinces, the 
])eojile of England became so strongly opposed to the continuance 
of hostilities, that Parliament refused to vote further supplies, com- 
plained of the French alliance, and advised peace. 

Charles II reluctantly yielded to the suggestions of Parliament, 
and calling Sir William Temple from his retirement, deputed him 
to arrange a treaty of peace with the Manpiis del Fresno, the 
Spanish ambassador, who had been empowered l)y the States to act 
in their name. The treaty was signed at Westminster, on the 9th 
of February, ItiT-t, and was considered by the Dutch greatly to 
their advantage, despite the fact that it cost them a war indemnity 
to England of two million guilders, and all the I^ritish territory 
they had conquered during hostilities. New York thus fell back 
under the English Hag, and passed again into the possession of the 
Duke of York. On the 31st of (Jctober, 167-1, Governor C'olve 
formally resigned the Territory to " Edmund Andross, Seigneur of 
Saumarez," who had been appointed Governor. 

A circumstance occurred during the tirst year of the reoccu- 
pation of New York by the English, which though slight in itself, 
was in some degree the precursor of the important though unhappy 
events that took place about fifteen years later, the settlement of 
the animosities growing out of which, formed so difficult a part of 
the la!)ors of the administration of the Earl of Bellomont. This 
circumstance arose from the Duke of York reconnnending: the 
Rev. Nicholas Van Rensaellaer " to be Minister of one of the 
Dutch churches in New York or New Albany when a vacancy shall 
haiipen."* Mr. Van Rensaellaer, it seems, chose a church in 
Albany, and went thither to assume his duties. At the same time he 
laid claim to a large tract of land extending '' twenty-four miles 
upon Hudson's River and as many on each side."t He was un- 
successful in making good his claim to this land, being defeated in 
the courts by Kilian Van Rensaellaer. The congregation of the 
Dutch church at Albany refused to receive him as their minister 

* Duke of York to Governor Andros, 23 July, 1674. 
f History of New York, by Chief Justice Smith. 



16 LIFK AXI) ADMIXISTKATKlX OF 

on tlif crfouiid tliat he was ordained to theiniiiistry of the Episcopal 
( 'luuT'li ; and as Mr. Van Rensaelhier persisted in his claims and 
assumjitions, they put forward their pastor, Dominic Xiewenhnyt, 
as their champion. (Tovernor Andros, of course, as in duty bound, 
supported the claims of the clerijyman recommended Ijy his master, 
and Dominic Xiewenhuyt was sulijected to great annoyance by 
being obliged to make frequent visits to ISew York to confer with 
the authorities. The magistrates and the people of Albany sym- 
pathized warmly with Xiewenhuyt, and went so far iis to imprison 
Van Rensaellaer, for "dubious words" uttered in one of his ser- 
mons. By order of Andros. however, he was relea.sed, and a suit 
for false imprisonment was brought against the magistrates who 
had been concerned in his arrest, they being held in £50()() bail. One 
of these magistrates, named Jacob Leisler, more bold than the rest, 
refused to give l)ail, and in consequence was imprisoned. But the 
people of Albany persisted in u])liol(Iing the action of their ma- 
gistrates, and tlnally the suit was abandoned. 

This successful protest of the Dutch Protestants against the 
policy of the Duke of York, doubtless prompted the inhabitants of 
the Province to the steps which resulted in the establishment of the 
provisional government under Leisler, in 1689-90. 

The prominence subsequently gained by Leisler in tiie affairs of 
the Province, warrants a reference to his career, which I venture to 
present in a few words. 

On the I'Tth of April, Itltid, tlie ship "Otter" left Holland for 
New Netherland, having on l)oard some lifty passengers, sixteen of 
whom were soldiers in the service of the Dutch West India Com- 
pany. One of these soldiers was a young German named Jacol) 
Loyseler or Leisler, who was registered as from " Francfort." * 
The inducements to engage in trade at that early period were 
peculiarly tempting to young men of energy and ambition; and 
yielding to them, Leisler ere long gave up his military career and 
entered the employment of Pieter Cornelisen Vanderveen, a pros- 

* Documentary Hist, of N. Y. Vol. Ill, p. 57. 



inclIAKI), ?;AKI. (IK BKIJ.OMON'l'. 17 

perous Dutch meiTiuuit of that day, who was tlie ])n'iicipal pru- 
jector of the first three-masted vessel known to have been Iniilt in 
the Colonj . 

The death of ^^anderveen took pLace in 1661, and his large 
estate passed into the hands of his young and childless widow, who 
was the daughter of Govert Loockernuuis, a wealthy fur-trader and 
shipowner, who came to this colony in 1 (!?>;>. Elsie Tpiien Yan- 
derveen was born in Hanover Square, her father at the time residing 
in and owning one of the handsomest and best houses in the city. 
(Jn the death of her husband she continued his business, as was the 
custom of the day, and Leisler, who had now risen to a responsible 
position in Vanderveen's store, was entrusted with the management 
of affairs. Finally, an attachment having sprung up between the 
comely young widow and the soldierly young clerk, they were mar- 
ried, Leisler thus Itecoming a wealthy merchant. lie appears to 
have been a person of more than ordinary consideration in the 
Colony from a very early period. In Kill, during the administration 
of Governor Colve, he was appointed one of the Commissioners for 
the forced loan ; and in Governor Dongan's time was one of the 
Commissioners of a Court of Admiralty. Several years latter he 
purchased for the Iliiguenots the tract called New Eochelle. Dur- 
ing a voyage to Europe, in 167S, he had the misfortune to he cap- 
tured by the Turks, but obtained his release Ijy the payment of some 
two thousand " pieces of eight," at five shillings each. 

We have just seen that he was once a magistrate of Albany, 
and piTjminently connected with the Dutch ( "hurch in that city. 
At a later period he was a resident of New York ; and at the 
breaking out of the revolution, in 1689, commanded one of the local 
militia companies. Few residents of the city were more popular, 
and it was to him the people looked for leadership when they rose 
to hold the Province for the officers of William III. 

As shown by the baptismal records, Leisler had seven children. 
The eldest of these, Mary, became the wife of Jacob Milborne, 
who was associated with Leisler in the provisional government of 
New York, in 1689-91, and who finally j^erished with him on the 



18 LIKE AM) AUMIXISTKATION OF 

scaft'old. Tlie tliird child, Jacol) Leisler, Jr., distinguished himself 
by his persistent and successful endeavors to secure the reversal of 
the decree of attainder on his father and hrother-in-law ; and 
notwithstanding his youth, was an important iigure in the affairs of 
the Colony in his day. 

When the Duke of York came to the throne, his interest in 
the Province of Xew York suffered no diminution, although the 
welfare of the Province can hardly be said to have been advanced 
thereby. ( )ne of his iirst acts was to disapprove of the Charter of 
Privileges which he had granted shortly before, but which he now 
refused to contirm, deeming its provisions too liberal, and fearing 
they might curtail some of his own rights. One beneticent measure, 
however, did receive his sanction. This was the granting to the 
City of N"ew York, in 1686, of the "■ Dongan Charter," so-called 
from the fact that it was obtained mainly through the iniiuence of 
(lovernor Dongan. 

The alarm caused throughout Eui'ope by the Revocation of 
the Edict of Xantes in 1<!8.J, eventually spread to America. In 
New "^'ork, fears were entertained that the Catholic King of 
England, who seemed to be quietly instituting measures for the 
revival of Catholicity at home, would possibly instruct Governor 
Dongan, likewise a Catholic, to establish that religion in the 
Province o\er which he governed. A further cause for dissatisfaction 
in New York was afforded by the consolidation of all the English 
Provinces north of the fortieth degree of latitude (with the exception 
of Pennsylvania) under one government. This measure was resolved 
on by James, chiefly as an eilective means to check the growing 
influence of New France (as Canada was then called), which was 
regarded with extreme jealousy by the English. 

This compulsory union of New York and Massachusetts under 
one governor, was extremely distasteful to the Dutch inhabitants 
of the former Province, between whom and the people of New 
England there had always existed a somewhat serious rivalry. As 
Protestants, however, their angry feelings were somewhat mollitied 
by the appointment of Sir Edmund Andros — a member of the 



KiniAKI), EARI, OF BEI.LOJroNT. 19 

Church of England — to administer the government of tlie united 
provinces. » 

Tlie continued efforts of James to force the Catholic faith 
ujion the English people, culminated, as is well known, in tlie Revo- 
lution l(iSS-9, wliicli led to his al)dication and the election of 
William and Mary as his successors. 

On the accession of the Prince of Orange to tlie tlirone, the 
Protestants in New York and New England, comprising nearly the 
entire population, were greatly alarmed lest the officers holding 
their commissions from James, and the adherents of that monarch 
in gereral might attempt to maintain his authority in the American 
colonies, to tlie exclusion of that of the newly elected sovereigns. 
To anticipate any action towards such a design, and for the pur- 
pose of holding the colonies in safety until the arrival of the prop- 
erly accredited oiiicers from King William, a popular uprising took 
place. In New England a Committee of Safety was organized, and 
under its order Sir Edmund Andros, the (-rovernor of the Colony, 
whose head<|uarters were at Boston, was seized and imprisoned. In 
New York, where the great liody of the people were Dutch, the 
elevation of a Dutch prince to the English throne was hailed with 
undisguised deliglit. Moreover, being heartily sick of the continued 
outrages pei-petrated upon them during the administrations of the 
English Governors, wlio had little I'egard for their rights, they 
naturally looked upon their countryman, Prince William, as their 
heaven-sent deliverer. 

Without the shedding of a drop of l)lood, the City of New 
York was placed in the hands of the militia. Tlie Captains com- 
manding the several companies, were fortunately men of wealth, 
character and influence, and so controlled the people that no overt 
acts were committed. Lieutenant-Governor Nicholson, who resided 
in New York, finding himself powerless to maintain his authority, 
left the nominal administration of affairs in the hands of his Coun- 
cillors, Philipse, Yan Cortlandt and Bayard, and sailed for England. 

Before his departure, however, the militia had made them- 
selves masters of the Fort. Having gone thiis far, the need of a 



20 I.IFK AXn AmriNISTKATTON OF 

leader became ajjparent. The militia and the people in general, 
unanimously settled on Captain Jacob Leisler as the person for this 
position ; and, in accordance with their desires, he assumed the 
leadership. Almost his tirst act was to call a convention of citizens, 
wliich met on the 2(ith of June, lfi89. This body was composed 
of men of representative character, a number of whom were resi- 
dents of the neighljoring towns. A Connnittee of Safety was or- 
ganized, which appointed Leisler "Captain of the Fort," and sub- 
sequently "Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the 
Province." 

It is needless to add that Leisler wa.s immensely popular, and 
that this popularity greatly simplified his early labors. The Dutch 
residents of the Province had the greatest confidence in his abilities, 
and had little if any fault to find with the measures he adopted. 
On the other hand, he was an object of hatred to the officers oF 
James, and to their aristocratic English and Dutch friends. 

Leisler called to his assistance in the provisional government 
an old friend and former business associate named Jacob Milborne, 
whom he appointed Secretary of tlie Province. These two per- 
sons, aided by a Council, administered the government of the 
Province about two years ; and the impartial historian must admit 
that whatever faults may be ascribed to them, disloyalty to King 
William was not among the mimber. 

In the early part of the spring of IfiOl, Colonel Sloughter, 
who had been commissioned Governor of New York, in January, 
1690, arrived at his post. He immediately published his Commis- 
sion, and sent a command to Leisler to deliver up the Fort. This 
order reached Leisler several hours aftei* sundown, but regarding it 
as a violation of military rule to give up a fortified place during 
the night, he refused compliance. The next morning, however, 
he sent a letter to the new Governor, formally relinquishing the 
Fort. Colonel Sloughter was deeply angered at this delay, and 
gave orders for the immediate arrest of Leisler and his principal 
followers. Their trial speedily followed, and as they were found 
guilty of treason, sentence of death was passed upon them. An 



i;i('iiAT;r). kakl of bkluimoxt. 21 

appeal from this verdiet and sentence was sent to the King. Imt be- 
fore a reply could reach Xew York, Slonghter was prevailed on to 
sign the death-warrants of Leisler and Milhorne. and tliey were 
accordingly pnl)licly executed on the ITth day of Mav, ItlUl. 

Govenioi' Sloughter did not long siirvive this political tragedy. 
He was taken suddenly ill on the lilst of July following, and died 
on the 23d. 

Sloughter was succeeded by Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, under 
whom the affairs of the Province became still more ]ierplexing to 
the Home (Tovernment. Tlie ill-feeling l)etween the Dutch and 
English residents, always more or less bitter, was intensified by the 
execution of Leisler and Milborne, who were now quite generally 
regarded as heroes and martyrs. Strong efforts were made to have 
justice done to the memory of the unfortunate men, and to cause 
the restoration to their families of their confiscated property ; and 
for this purpose Jacoli Leisler, Jr., the promising son of the 
executed Lieutenant-CTO^ernor, was sent to England to endeavor to 
influence the Home Government. Another cause of trouble was 
persistent violation of the Acts of Trade, which, though secretly 
and cpiite successfully evaded in the neighboring provinces, were 
disregarded almost openly and without scruple, by the Dutch in 
New York. The consequence was a serious falling off in the 
revenue — a most unpalatable fact for the Lords of Trade. 

But the most alarming evil, was the aid and comfort afforded 
to pirates by many of the well-to-do citizens of New York, and 
connived at, it was said, even by the officers of the Colonial 
government. 

The origin of piracy dates back to the dawn of commercial 
enterprise. In the century preceding the Christian era, the e\'il 
had attained the most gigantic proportions. The freebooters were 
masters of four hundred cities, and had at their command a thou- 
.sand well-manned galleys. So boldly, successfully, and extensively 
■ did they carry out their depredations, that tlie prosperity of imperial 
Eome became seriously jeopardized. The extirpation of this mon- 
strous evil became an urgent necessity, and to no less a personage 



22 LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION OF 

than the great Pompey was entrusted the task. Armed with almost 
absohite authority in the Mediterranean, and with a large army and 
powerful fleet at his command, lie eventually succeeded in accom- 
plishing this important labor. This blow may be said to have 
almost paralyzed piracy for about fourteen centuries. The growth 
of trade with the East and West Indies consequent on the l)rilliant 
discoveries of the daring navigators Colombus, Diaz, and de (lama, 
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, again awakened the 
cupidity of evil men, and piracy was revived and prosecuted as a 
" royal road " to fortune. In the seventeenth century, its magni- 
tude and extent excited the gravest alarm throughout the commer- 
cial world. The practice of issuing commissions to private vessels 
of war was common among the nations of Europe in this century. 
The commanders of these '' privateers " were not, however, over- 
scrupulous in their regard for the rights of commerce ; and although 
for a time they generally limited their depredations to the merchant- 
ships of the enemy, they soon came to regard all vessels engaged in 
commerce as their legitimate prey. 

During the progress of hostilities with France, England had 
not hesitated to follow the example of other nations in granting 
commissions to private vessels of war. The commanders of many 
of these "privateers" encouraged by the success which attended 
the reckless and daring men who, acknowledging allegiance to no 
flag, preved indiscriminately on all commerce ; and observing the 
singular innnunity from interference and punishment which they 
enjoyed, concluded to foUow their example. Breaking away from 
the restraint of their commissions, they now waged war on all 
vessels that promised booty, not even exempting those sailing under 
the flag of their own country. 

The effect upon commerce of this course, which so largely 
increased the numlier of freebooters, and co\ered the high seas 
with piratical craft, was most disastrous : trade in both hemispheres 
was almost paralyzed ; and England, ever a trading nation, was 
threatened whith the loss of that which has been aptly compared 
to her life-blood. This alarming state of affairs became still worse 



KI('IIAl;ll, KMil. <il' BELLOMOXT. 23 

from ;i threat of reprisals made 1)V the (irand Mogul, who had lost, 
through the depredations of English pirates, several richly laden 
vessels, among them one in partii-iilar freighted with valuable 
presents for the holy city — Mecca. 

The American colonies were a favorite resort for the English 
pirates for several reasons, but principally owing to the sense of 
secnrity enjoyed, and the ease with which provisions were obtained. 
It was well-known that several of the most notoi-ious pirates had 
originally sailed from New York with commissions as privateers ; 
and it was even rumoi-ed that the officers of the C'rown had connived 
at piracy. It is evident that in those days the people of the Colonies 
felt no very great antagonism to either pirates or piracy. Many of 
the freebooters plundered in foreign parts, and their victims were 
frequently infidel Moors, or hated Erench, Spanish, or Portuguese 
traders. The advantages derived from a connection with these 
ocean plunderers were almost too great to be despised ; wherever 
the freebooters touched, from Maine to Virginia, they were gene- 
rally sure of being tolerated — at least till they had disposed of some 
of their plunder and obtained supplies. In commercial New Yoi-k, 
their foreign gold was ever welcome. But, large as was the supply, 
it did not suffice. More than one of the wealthy merchants of the 
city freighted vessels with rum, tobacco, and munitions of war, and 
despatched them to the haunts of the pirates, where these com- 
modities readily sold at an enormous profit. This was not all. 
Many of the pirates at the places visited, having acquired sufficient 
wealth to meet their desires, abandoned their bloody pursuit and 
returned to civilization in the homeward-bound merchant vessels, 
paying round sums for their passages. 

The looseness of morals in this respect in the American colonies 
- — and particularly in New York — at last aroused attention in 
England, and the government resolved to take some decisive action 
against the growing evil. At this time the Leislerites in England — 
among whom was Jacob Leisler, .li'., the son of the executed Gov- 
ernor — were inaking strong efforts to secure the removal of Cxovernor 
Fletcher, whose close affiliation with and willing subservience to 



24 LIFE AXI) ADMIXISTKATIOX OF 

tlie aristocratic party in Xew ^'ork, seriously retarded tlie attempts 
of tlie friends of Leisler and Milboriie to secure justice to the 
memory of these political mart\T.s, or to obtain for their families 
the restitution of their confiscated property. They had already 
failed in their attempt to secure Fletcher's removal on charges_ of 
misappropriation of the puMic iiKincy ami lieiieral malfeasance in 
office, hnt these charges had not been treated seriously l)y the Lords 
of Trade, in whose mind the valuable services rendered by Fletcher 
in the war with the French in Canada, were still fresh. 

Availing themselves of the public sentiment against free- 
booting, the Leislerites now accused Fletcher of complicity with 
pirates. All that they urged against him seemed to have a strong 
basis in fact, and it was finally decided by the authorities that the 
interests of the public service demanded his recall. 

Never was the need for an honest and able person to admin- 
ister the government of New York greater than at that period. 
The tasks which such a pei'son would be called upon to perform 
were those which demanded uncommon ability as well as vmques- 
tioned integrity. The differences between the two factions of the 
Province required to be healed. The Acts of Trade were to be 
rigidly enforced. Piracy was to be suppressed. Besides these 
labors the Indians were to be conciliated and the French watched. 

The King fully realized the importance of the trust and finally 
decided to appoint in the place of Fletcher, the Earl of Bellomont, 
whom, as I have stated, he regarded as the fittest pei-son about him 
for undertaking such responsible duties. In 1 (',',»;"> he indicated his 
choice to the Lords of Trade, who, without delay, confirmed Bello- 
mont. The several commissions and instructions were, however, 
not laid before the King until the early part of April, 1697. On 
the IStli day of June following, having been duly approved, they 
were sealed with the great seal. ( )n the 1st of July, in the same 
year. Captain John Xanfan — a cousin of the wife of the Earl of 
Bellomont — was appointed Lieutenant-Governor. 

No sooner was it known that the Earl of Bellomont had been 
appointed to this important post, than his house in Dover street, 



KICIIAKI), EAKI. OF liKI.I.dMOXT. 25 

Londou, was besieged \>\ all those who liad interests to coiisei've in 
New York. Among the niinilier was " Colonel Eohert Livingston, 
a Man of considerable Estate and fair Reputation who has several 
Employments in that Province ;"* he had frequent access to the 
Earl "as well upon the account of the publick affairs there as of 
several matters which he had then depending before the Council 
and at the Treasury. "+ 

In conversation with Colonel Livingston, the Earl mentioned 
piracy, which he regretted had received such encouragement in 
New York. Livingston assured him that there was good ground 
for complaint on this score ; and gave it as liis opinion that if 
eflfectual measures for the suppression of this nefarious business 
were not promptly instituted, the evil would increase to such a de- 
gree and involve so many persons, tliat its mastery would be diiti- 
ciilt if not impossible. 

At a subsequent interview with the Earl, Livingston spoke of 
a Captain William Kidd, '• lately come from Xew York in a sloop 
of his own upon the account of trade,":}: and recommended him to 
the Earl as a bold, honest, and skilful mariner, who " knew most of 
the men who had been abroad Roving, and divers who had lately 
gone out ; and likewise had some knowledge of places where they 
usiially made their Rendez-vous ;"5J he also said that he believed 
Kidd would undertake to seize these freebooters if placed in com- 
mand of one of the King's ships of war. 

It was not at all improbable that an experienced and daring 
commander such as was Kidd, '* well acquainted with all the haunts 
of the pirates who prowled between the Cape of Good Hope and 
the Straits of Malacca"! would be able to cope successfully with 
the pirates of the Indian Ocean. It was known that few of the 
piratical craft were large, and that the pirates were not in the habit 
of uniting for common defence. Bellomont was not slow to per- 
ceive the advantages of such an expedition. The suppression of 
•piracy in the Eastern seas would gi-eatly simplify the task of breaking 

* Kidd, t Kidd. | Kidd. g Kidd. 

1 Macaulay's I/is/, of England. 



2fi LIFE AND AHMIXISTKATIOX (iF 

it up in the American Colonies, whither tlie freebooters oftener 
resoi'ted to dispose of tliaii to secure plunder. He accordingly lost 
IK) time in laying the project l)efore the King. 

Just at that time it hap]:)eued that idl the King's ships fit for 
service were employed in the war with France. There was also a 
marked scarcity of seamen, and to keep the navy fairly manned, 
required the employment of every imaginalile means, including the 
constant use of the press-gang. 

The King not feeling authorized to act on the suggestion of 
Bellomout, referred the project to the Admiralty, who received it 
lukewarndy and " raised difHculties," to quote the expressive language 
of Macaulay, " such as are perpetually raised by public boards when 
any deviation for the better or for the worse from the established 
course of proceeding is proposed." * The fact that the carrying 
out of the scheme would necessitate the expenditure of a large sum 
of money, was, however, the chief reason for its being finally rejected. 

On learning that the Admiralty would not touch the project, 
Livingston, who seemed determined to carry it into effect, made a 
.second proposition to Bellomout. This was that a private vessel 
of war should be fitted out and duly licensed and commissioned to 
proceed against the French and the pirates. According to the 
testimony of Bishop Burnet, the King looked with favor on this 
second project, the carrying out of which it was estimated would 
cost about itUtno, and signified hi.- willingness to subscribe one 
third of the sum. Captain Kidd had meanwhile been presented to 
the Earl bv Livingston. There is some authority for the belief that 
Kidd was coerced by threats into accepting the command of the 
proposed expedition, but the weight of testimony goes to show that 
Kidd not only freely lent his aid to the afi'air, but even joined with 
Livingston in subscribing one-fifth of the estimated cost. 

At this juncture the King withdrew his offer on the ground of 
pecuniary embarrassment. Some delay ensued in consequence, but 
Bellomont finally succeeded m interesting his friends the Duke of 



J/isf. of England. Vol. V. 



TUCIIAl;!). KAKr. OF BKI.I.c iMoNI . 'i ( 

Slirewslinry, tlie Earl of Ivuiuiiey, the Earl of Oxford Lord High 
Admiral of England, Lord Chancellor Somers, and Sir Edmond 
Harrison a wealthy merchant, who together aided him in making 
up his subscription to four-fifths, Livingston and Kidd. it l)eing 
remendiered, having already taken a fifth. 

Maeanlay states, in his History of Eiujlottd, that the negocia- 
tions which resulted in the fitting out of this expedition, were 
conducted between Belloniont and his friends, after the former had 
reached America. This is clearly an error into which the eminent 
historian fell, from a belief that Belloniont must have proceeded to 
America as soon as he received his appointment as (-rovernorof New 
York ; when the facts are, that although named to the position 
early in lti95, he did not receive his commission until the summer 
of lt)97, and did not arrive in Xew York until the spring of 169S. 

On the loth of October, 1H95, articles of agreement were 
drawn up in London, between the Earl of Belloniont, jV[r. Living- 
ston, and Captain Kidd. Belloniont took it on himself to procure 
from the King or the Lords of the Admiralty, the necessary com- 
missions empowering Kidd to act against all pirates. In the agree- 
ment it was stipulated that all prizes taken from the French should 
be disposed of in the usual way directed by law; but that all cap- 
tures from pirates should lie sold for the benefit of the owners and 
crew, twenty-fi\'e ]ier cent, of the gross proceeds going to the crew 
in lieu of pay, the j-emaining seventy-tive per cent, to lie divided 
between Belloniont, Livingston, and Kidd, in proportion to their 
contributions." 

It is noteworthy that the names of the gentlemen who aided 
Bellomont in raising the amount of his subscription do not figure 
in the agreement ; nor indeed do these gentlemen appear to have 
any knowledge of Kidd, nor interest in the undertaking, beyond 
their private and friendly aid to Bellomont. It is possible, though, 
that Bellomont may have promised to remunerate them by a share 
of the protits ; in -which case, the alfair, to them, was a ])urely 



* Documents relating io the Colonial History of h'ew York. Vol. VI, p. 762. 



28 LIFE AND ADMINISTRATTON OF 

speculative one ; moreover, having the sanction of tlie King, it could 
not have appeared in the least degree objectionable or illegal. 

Thus began that unfortunate connection between Bellomont 
and Kidd, which was destined to cast a temporary but deep shadow 
over the honest Earl, and to bring the adventurous ('a])tain to an 
ignominious death upon the scaffold. 

The name of Kidd has come down to us as that of a most vil- 
lainous sea-robber, and is linked with harrowing tales of bloodshed 
and murder, and legends of untold wealth ; and the rej^uted con- 
cealment liv Ijnrial of much of this ill-gotten gain at various places 
along the Atlantic coa-st from Maine to Delaware, has for years 
dazzled the imaginations and depleted the purses of the credulous. 

It is certain, however, that the epithet " Prince of Pirates," 
and others of similar character, so freely bestowed on Kidd, never 
rightfully belonged to him. llis reputation among all but a fe^v 
careful students of history is based mainly on the ballads — or con- 
fused recollections of them — which commemorate in most wTetched 
rhyme his alleged misdeeds and exploits. But the ballads alone are 
not entirely responsible for the false ideas which came down to us 
in regard to him. At the time of his arrest, party feeling ran no 
less high and bitter than in our own day. The political enemies of 
the noblemen who were concerned in aiding Bellomont in fitting 
out the expedition commanded by Kidd, availed themselves of 
Kidd's misconduct, to assail all who lent him their support and 
countenance, seeking by this means to secure tlieir downfall. In 
the prosecution of this design, Kidd's deeds, or rather misdeeds, 
were greatly magnified, often largely at the expense of truth. 

An examination of the leading events in the life of Kidd, will 
convince the dispassionate enquirer, that he was not the evil and 
abandoned character he is so generally regarded ; and a.s I feel 
that the citizens of this comnmnity, in which he was once a res- 
pected and representative resident, can not be indifferent to his 
history, I venture to present, in the briefest manner possible, a few 
of the leading facts therein. 



UK 11 ART). KAKI. OK Bf;i,I.( i:\r(lNI . 29 

Born ill Scotland,* aliont tlie middle of tlie seventeentli cen- 
tury, William Kidd was the son of a clergyman — a fact which of 
itself would he siifScient to convince some wiseacres that he could 
come to uo good end. His father, .Fohii Ividd, belonged to the 
Scottish Non-Conformists, and was a man of great piety and strong 
religious convictions, who testified his regard for princijjle by sub- 
mitting to "the t(.irture of the boot" — a most cruel ordeal — dying 
on the 1-1-th of August, lti79. AVilliani Kidd adopted the sea at an 
early age, and while still a young man became shipmaster and 
noted as abold and successful mariner. His trading ventures proving 
fortunate, he became a man of some wealth. lie married Mre. 
Sarah ( )ort (said to have l)een a lovely and aeeomplished woman), 
the widow of a former friend and fellow officer ; and purchasing 
property in New York, established his residence in Cedar or Liberty 
street. In the French war he commanded a privateer, and distin- 
guished himself in two engagements in the West Indies. At tbe 
time of the Leislerian troubles he naturally sided with the Officers 
of the Crown and the British residents ; and, in the interests of the 
Province, kept his vessel in the Bay, in case it should be needed to 
defend the city against the French. For his services to the Pro- 
vince, the General Assembly of New York, on the recommendation 
of Governor Sloughter and Council, granted him, on the 14t]i of 
May, lt)91, the sum of £15(t. After this, he commanded a ship in 
the merchant service ; and as we have seen, quitted this employ- 
ment to engage in the suppression of piracy. 

The several subscribers to the enterprise projected by Living- 
ston for the suppression of piracy, having ]iaid in the sums agreed, 
a thirty-gun vessel called the " Adventure-galley " was purchased, 
and after some little difficulty manned and equipped. As the owner 
risked the vessel, and the crew their lives, in this venture, the pro- 
jectors demanded of the government the proceeds arising from the 
sale of whatever was captured, with the exception of the tenth 
ordinarily reserved for the ( "rown from the sale of prizes taken 



* Documents relating to the Colonial History of A'ew York. Vol. IV, p. 583. 



80 LIFE AND Ani^riNISTRATION OF 

from the King's enemies ; but it was not until the vessel liad sailed, 
that they siiceeeded in obtaining such aia unusual grant. 

In the month of April, K^.tfi, Kidd sailed from Plymouth, 
England, in the " Adventure-galley." with a crew variously estimated 
at from tifty to eighty men. Although his instructions were to 
proceed directly to the haunts of the pirates in the East Indies, he 
disregarded them and sailed for New York, arriNdng in this port in 
the month of July, l)ringing with him a French vessel which ho 
had captured on the way and which on his arrival he duly delivered 
to Governor Fletcher. He remained in New York nearly three 
months, during which it seems he led a very dissolute life. It was 
rumored about the city that he intended to turn pirate, and that he 
had promised Governor Fletcher £10,000 if he made a good voyage. 
News of his arrival quickly spread itself over the Pi-ovince, and 
many adventurous and desperate men flocked to him from all parts. 
Although no wages were offered, the agreement being that the men 
were to receive twenty-five per cent, of the profits to be divided 
among them, he easily recruited his crew up to al-out the number 
of one hundretl and fifty. 

According to (rovernor Fletcher it was generallv believed in 
New York that if Kidd, acting in accordance with his commission 
and instructions, failed to make a profitable voyage, he would not 
be able to govern such a horde of men under no pay, who would 
then probably mutiny and compel him to turn pirate. * 

With a complete and enthusiastic crew, a staunch vessel and 
suitable supplies and ammunition, Kidd sailed from Xew York for 
Madeira, arriving there in February, l<i97. By the month of July 
he found himself at the entrance to the Red Sea; up to that time 
having made no capture with the exception of the French prize 
taken on his way to New Yoi-k. The well-known and learned 
historical writer, Mr. Henry il Murphy, in his exhaustive and 
interesting article on Kidd, published in Hunt's Merchants'' 
Magazine, January, 1846, states that this voyage to Eastern waters 

* Gov. Fletcher to the Lords of Trade. Doc. relating to the Col. Hist, of N. Y. 
Vol. IV, p. 275. 



KK'IIAKI), HAUL OF UKI.LOMONT. 31 

wa.s "a plain departure t'roia the objeets of tiie expedition, which 
was publicly announced to be the destruction of pirates in the 
American seas, and especially at New York;"" but I find that 
Bellomont himself expected that Ividd would avoid New York, 
and sail directly for the haunts of the freebooters in the Indian 
Ocean ; * and indeed his accpiaintance with the resorts of the pirates 
in those waters, was one of the chief reasons for his l)eing selected 
to command the expedition. 

We must now leave Kidd for a while to return to Bellomont. 
Delay in issuing his commission and the financial embarrass- 
ment of the Home Government, prevented the Earl's departtire 
from England until towards the close of ItiitT. He was accom- 
panied to America by his wife and l>y his Lieutenant-Governor, 
Captain John Xanfan. The voyage was an unsnally stormy one, 
and the ship was compelled to put in at Barbadoes, arriving there 
on the 5th of January, 1698. More than two months were con- 
sumed at this place in repairing the vessel. By the !ith of March, 
the ship was refitted and sailed for New York, where she arrived 
safely on the 2d of A])ril. 

The reception acconled to Bellomont, by the people of all 
classes, was most cordial ; crowds flocked to the landing place to 
greet him, and he was met everywhei'e with assurances of respect 
and good-will, h'our barrels of gunpowder were burned by order 
of the City (Tovernment in honor of his arrival. His commission 
having been published in due form, he immediately entered upon 
the duties of his office. He retained in the Executive ( 'ouncil those 
who had served under his predecessors; and having administered 
to them the customary oath of office, he issued a call for a new 
Assembly to meet on the 8th of May, 1H98. 

The representatives of the people, not to i>e outdone by their 
constituents, now united in extending a formal reception to the 
newly arrived Governor. The corporation of the city, at the head 
of which was Mayor Johanues DePeyster, tendered him a formal 



* Earl of Bellomont to Secretary Vernon. Doc. rcl. to the Col. Hist, of N. V. 
Vol. IV, pp. 760, 815. 



32 LIFE AXn APMINISTKATIOX OF 

banquet, at which an address full of loyalty to the King was 
read. 

Bellomont was a nolileman of high i-ank. the son of a peer and 
accustomed to a courtly style of living — for which he ever retained 
a fondness; but he was not a man to neglect his duties for a life 'of 
ease and pleasure. His parliamentary experience and thorough 
acquaintance with English political aifairs and the foreign policy of 
the government, peculiarly fitted him for his new duties, upon 
which he entered with few if any misgivings. 

Some years before coming to America he had nuirried a young 
girl (said by some writers to have l)een Imt twelve years of age at 
the time)* named Catherine Nanfan, the daughter and heiress of 
Bridges Nanfan, Esq., of Bridgemorton, County Worcester, Eng- 
land. + By this union he had two sons, Nanfan and IJichard. Ilis 
domestic relations were exceptionally pleasant ; and except an occa- 
sional attack of the gout, he enjoyed tolerably good health. 

Wholly unembarrassed by fear or favor, he began his adminis- 
tration with a tirm resolve to discharge his duties to the satisfaction 
of the King and in a straightforward and honorable manner ; and 
although beset by the most perplexing opposition, from the very 
outset, he never swerved from his honest intentions. 

Bellomont's line personal appearance was well calculated to 
make a decidedly favorable impression upon the people of Xew 
York. Tall, good-looking, and graceful, he bore his sixty-two 
years as lightly as though they were but fifty. :J: No less pleasing 
ill manners than appearance, agreealile in conversation, affable in 
demeanor, and extremely stylish in dress, it is not at all strange 
that he became at first sight a prime favorite with all classes of the 
community. With the Dutch, whom he subsequently declared to 
be " most hearty for his present majesty,'" and " a sober industrious 
people, obedient to government," he ever retained his popularity. 

* Sketch of Lord Bellomont in Stryker's American Quarterly Reg'^ter. Vol. I, 
p. 434. By J. B. Moore. 

\ The Peerage of Great Britain and Ireland. Sir Bernaril Burke. 
I Mr. Lamb's History of Nexu York. 



RICHARD, EARL OF BELLOMONT. 33 

The cordial relations wliicli it was well-knowu existed between liini 
and AVilliam III, and his early aid in bringing that prince to the 
tlirone of England, and in snpporting the Protestant religion, may 
have done ninch to influence them in his favor ; but above all these 
considerations, was his constant solicitude for their welfare, and his 
consistent and persistent championship of the cause of their mar- 
tyred leaders, Leisler and Milborne. He had scarcely been in the 
Province a week, before his conscientious attempts to enforce the 
laws and carry out his instructions, raised up around him a host of 
personal enemies. Each successive attemjit on his part to perform 
his duty served but to increase their nnmljer, and the hatred thus 
engendered, pursued him with slander, misrepresentation, and vin- 
dictiveness, down to the day of his death ; and even after that event, 
took delight in insulting his memory.* 

From the date of Bellomont's confirmation as Governor of 
New York, this enmity began. His j)redece8sor in office, Colonel 
Benjamin Fletcher, a man of very questionable judgment, to say 
the least, chagiined at being superseded, sought by every means in 
his power to render the office of Governor a most uncomfortable 
one for his successor to fill ; hoping, as the sequel showed, to be 
reinstated to the position. 

Towards the latter part of Fletcher's administration, and imme- 
diately following the news of Bellomont's appointment, began the 
iniquitous system of land grants, which for a time paralyzed the 
development of the Province, and might have operated most disas- 
trously against its future greatness and prosperity, had not the saga- 
city of the honest Earl foreseen its evil consequences, and his 
determination arrested and in part prevented them. 

Some idea of the nature and extravagance of these grants of 
Fletcher may be obtained from the following lirief schedule of six 
of them, taken from the New York Colonial Manuscripts, which 
will serve to show their enormoiis extent : 

" 1. A grant to Colonel Nicholas Bayard for a tract of land in 
the County of Albany, about 24 or 30 miles in length. 

* History of New York. Dunlap. 



34 LIFE A^'l> A1)MINISTKATK)X OF 

" a. A gr;uit to Godfrey Dellius, Minister at Alhany, for a 
tract of land on the East side of Ihidsou's river, about Tn miles in 
lengtli and 1'2 in breadtli. 

" 3. A grant to Colonel Henry Beeknian, for a tract of land in 
Diitcliess County, about 16 miles square ; and likewise for another 
tract of land upon Hudson's river, about 8 miles in breadth and 20 
in length. 

" 4. A grant to Colonel William Smith, for sundry tracts of 
lands and meadows in the Island of Nassau [Long Island] computed 
to contain about 50 miles. 

"5. A grant to Captain John Evans for sundry tracts of land 
lying on the West side of Hudson's river ami containing about 40 
miles in length and 20 miles in breadth [amounting to 800 square 
miles.] 

" 6. A grant to Wm. I'inhorne, Esq., and four others, for a 
tract of land lying on the Mohawk river, about 50 miles in length 
and 2 in breadth on each side of the said river." 

In addition to these and other extravagant grants, Fletcher 
made several smaller ones, the latter comprising land, to dispose of 
which he had no authority or right whatever. These grants also 
were made after he knew that his successor had been api)ointed, 
and besides evincing a desire to embarrass Bellomont, seem to show 
Fletcher's intention of making all the prolit possible out of his 
government before it passed into other hands. 

Attached to the Governor's residence at the Fort, was a garden 
for pleasure, fruit, and herbage, known as the " King's Garden," and 
a farm called the "King's Farm," for the pasturing of the Governor's 
horses and cattle ; the two forming part of the King's demesnes. 
In the time of James II, Governer Dongan proposed to grant the 
King's garden for the maintenance of a school founded by the 
Jesuits ; but the King — much as he is supposed to have favored the 
Catholics — refused his consent, on the gi-ound that " he would not 
have his Governors dejjrived of their conveniences."* 

* Doeumenls relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York. Vol. IV, 
p. 490- 



RICHARD, EARL OF BELLOIMONT. 35 

Contrary to all precedent, which preserved these demesnes 
intact for the sole nse of the Governor, Fletcher, on hearing of 
Belloniont's departure from England to take charge of his govern- 
ment in Xew York, made grants of the most valuable portions, 
probably with a desire to annoy the person who was coming to 
supersede him. The " King's (Tarden " was leased to Colonel 
Heatlicote, and the " King's Farm " to Trinity Church ; while still 
other portions of the Governor's lands would have been granted 
away, only that the Council thought Fletcher was going too far in 
the matter. 

The consequence of all this was that when Eellomont arrived 
he found that the greater part of the King's demesnes which rightly 
belonged to the Governor for his use and pleasure during his term 
of office, had been granted away, and that what was left was in a 
most sadly neglected condition, and so limited in extent as to be 
scarcely sufficient to pasture a horse and a cow. The house in which 
he was obliged to take up his residence was in such a wretched 
state of repair that the rain came in through the roof ; and the 
flooring of the lower halls and rooms was in an advanced state of 
decay. These minor annoyances, however, Bellomont bore as cheer- 
fully as possible ; and after getting settled in his abode, turned his 
attention at once to more important matters. Scarcely a week had 
passed since his arrival before he had occasion to carry out his 
instructions regarding the enforcement of the Acts of Trade. These 
Acts, it must be acknowledged, bore heavily upon the people of the 
Province, who were not only taxed live per cent, on imports and 
exports, but were obliged to restrict their trade to English ships 
trading directly with England, it being at that time well established 
among all European nations, that the commercial advantages of 
colonial possessions should redound to the benefit of the mother 
country, as asserted by many historians. 

Moreover, as these Acts of Trade were framedby the English 
government, which, to the greater part of the people of Kew York, 
was alien and arbitrary, their violation was not generally regarded 
as a very grave offence by the colonial merchants, the greater 



36 LITE AND AUMIMSTRATIOX OF 

number of whom were Diitfli and French. Belloniont's duty was 
to obey instrnctions. Accordingly, when it came to his ears that 
an nnfree ship laden with East Indian goods was in port, he 
immediately gave orders for the seizure of the vessel and its 
cargo. 

The tardy and imperfect manner in which his orders were 
obeyed, convinced him that no dependence was to be placed on the 
Customs officials. At the head of these was Mr. Chidley Brooke, 
the Collector and Reeeiver-CTeneral, who was a former jM'otcge of 
Bellomont's nncle, and who owed his advancement in life princi- 
pally to the influence of the Coote family, to which it is said he 
was distantly related. Bellomont's first investigations showed him 
that Brooke was um-eliable, and he at once suspended him from 
oflice; appointing two Commissionei-s in his stead, imtil the govern- 
ment confirmed a successor. One of these Commissioners was 
Colonel Yan Cortlandt, a member of the Council, and a man of 
excellent repute ; the other, a Mr. Mousey, who had filled for several 
years the office of Searcher of the Customs, at a salary of £50 per 
annum, and whom Bellomont advanced to the higher grade of 
Commissioner, at £200 per annum, from a belief that his experience 
in the Customs would render his services in this new position 
valuable. 

But the trouble was not confined to the chief officer. Even 
the Sheriff and Constables, whose duty it was to attend to the seizures, 
were bribed to neglect their duty, or were themselves interested in 
defeating the operation of the law. The excitement of the 
merchants grew intense over Bellomont's decisive action. Mr. 
Monsey's first attempt to carry out his instructions, resulted in his 
life being threatened by the angry merchants ; whereupon he 
resigned his office, and Mr. Ducy Hungerford, a distant connection 
of the Earl, wiis appointed in his place. 

Shortly after Bellomont assumed the government, charges of 
complicity with pirates had been brought against Mr William 
Nicoll, a member of the Council ; and as the Earl deemed them 
well-founded, he suspended him from office. The suspension of 



KK'IIARr), EARL OF BELLOMONT. 37 

Mr. Brooke, who was likewise one of tlie Coniu-il, removed a second 
member ; and a third, in the person of Mr. William Pinhorne, M'ho 
remonstrated with Bellomoiit in violent language for his arbitrary 
proceedings against the merchants, soon followed. "Hindered by 
his assistants, opposed by the people, and threatened Ijy the 
merchants," — to borrow his own acconnt of the situation, the 
Governor certainly had no pleasant time of it ; \n\t the opposition 
he eneonntered served only to strengthen him in discharging his 
duty, and he proceeded no less firmly, although unsup])orted. 
His efforts at reform, would, he saw, prove entirely futile if men 
were retained in the Council who would not assist him in carrying 
out his policy ; and he resolved to suspend every member whom he 
suspected of dishonesty. 

The next great outcry against him arose from his enforcing an 
Act of Parliament restoring, to their families, the confiscated estates 
of Leisler and Milborne. It should be remembered that after the 
execution of these two men, their friends and adherents made 
strenuous endeavors to place their conduct in its true light before 
the English government. A calm investigation of the facts convinced 
Parliament that their execution was wholly unwarranted ; and an 
Act was passed legitimatizing the government foimded by them, 
reversing the attainder, and directing the return to their heirs of 
their confiscated property. When Bellomont reached the Province, 
he found that this Act had been treated with positive contempt. 
The estates had passed into the hands of several owners who had 
purchased them at public sale ; and some of these persons had 
already disposed of a j^ortiou of what they had thus accpiired. 
These new owners formed what we would now call a " ring," and 
seem to have had sufficient influence with the colonial officers to 
retard, for the time being, the return of the property to the heirs of 
Leisler and Milborne, as directed by the Act of Parliament. 
Before leaving England, the Earl was convinced that the two men 
had been unjustly and cruelly dealt with, although in gi^nng orders, 
on his arrival in New York, that the provisions of the law be 
instantly carried into effect, he did not in the least exceed his duty, 



38 LIFE AND ADMraiSTEATION OF 

nor even give way to prejudice, however great his personal feeling 
in the matter may have been. 

A circumstance which annoyed Bellomont very much, and 
which showed him the temper of the persons composing the 
CouTicil, was the fact that they avoided as much as possible lending 
him their assistance, although they maintained a close communica- 
tion with Colonel Fletcher, who still remained in New York. 

The first Assembly called by Bellomont proved as severe a 
disappointment to him as his Coimcil. Despite his proclamation, 
" commanding all fairness of elections and legal and just returns of 
Representatives," the election of eleven out of nineteen who were 
returned was disputed. These eleven, however, with a boldness 
and persistence that would have done credit to more modern poli- 
ticians, managed to retain their places. The greatest disorder and 
confusion followed ; and it was evident that nothing in the way of 
legislation could be accomplished. Bellomont had no inclination 
to imitate the example of some of his predecessors, either in mana- 
ging elections or in interfering witli the rights and liberties of 
legislators ; but the manifest corruption in this case so disgusted 
him, that upon receiving a petition from several of the well-disposed 
members, he peremptorily dissolved the Assembly after it had been 
in session about one month. 

At the time Lord Bellomont entered upon his duties, the 
entire Eiiropean population of the British colonies in Noi-th 
America did not exceed two hundred thousand persons.* Of this 
number New York had somewhat less than twenty-five thousand, 
and New England about seventy-five thousand. In New York, 
the preponderating element was Dutch ; in New England, the 
jieople. were almost all English. Between the inhabitants of these 
two provinces there existed a rivalry which, at times, fell but little 
short of antagonism. Notwithstanding this, however, both moved 
onward with rapid strides in the work of civilization and develop- 
ment ; and the remarkable intelligence and prosperity of their 

* Bancroft's //iV/un' (y' Me United States. 



KICIIAKT), KAKI, (IK ISKI.I.l i.Mo.Nl . 3!> 

descendants at this day, attests the wonderful vigor of tlie parent 
stock. 

But although it is not generally known, and even when known 
not siiificiently pondered on, the peo])le of New York and New 
England were in reality homogeneous. The complete elucidation 
of this remarkable fact would, in itself, occupy a somewhat lengthy 
address, yet, as the subject is rarely touched upon, I venture to 
allude to it briefly in this place. 

The English historian Heylyn, writing in the early part of 
the seventeenth century, says : " In the time of Henry II [about 
A. D. 1170] Flandres was so overflowne that many thousands of 
people, whose dwellings the sea had devoured came into England 
to beg new seats ; and were l)y that King first placed in Yorkshire 
and then removed to Pend)rokeshire." These, however, were not 
the first colonists from Flanders who settled in England, as in the 
preceding reign many others had come over at the invitation of the 
English King. 

A recent historical wi-iter, who has evidently given close study 
to the s\il)ject, in connnenting on this statement of Heylyn's, says: 
" For Yorkshire it would seem more plausible to read Lincolnshire, 
whose southeast subdivision was styled Holland, embracing a tract 
of land recovered from the sea by a Dutch colony settled thei'ein 
prior to the sixth century. Boston, its chief town, already in the 
reign of Edward III [1327-77], one of the principal commercial 
ports of England — whose lofty church tower two hundred and 
ninety feet in height, resembles that of Antwerp cathedral, and is 
visible forty miles out at sea — was originally called St. Boto[u]lph's 
town, after a prelate who preached the Gospel in the seventh cen- 
tury in Belgic Gaul." * * * 

* * * " This Saxon district, the last to submit to William 
the Conqueror, was as late as 1140 a refuge for the last free English 
Saxons. Thus, the same spirit which animated the Saxon Menapii 
to defend their marshes against the fearful Julivis and his mighty 
namesakes and maintained the freedom of their native sea-land, 
inspired their issue in the fens of England to resist the potent 



40 LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION OF 

Norman Conqueror and avert his cruel thrall from their new homes. 
Again when prelacy and Stuart tyranny sought to impose their 
yoke upon another generation, the same stern influence bade them 
gird up their loins and cross the Ocean, far, far away to a new 
world, beai'ing forth the precious seed destined to bring forth price- 
less harvests." * 

Thus it will he seen that the English settlers of New England 
and the Hollandish element of New York were identical in origin. 
Surely, the consideration of this fact should tend to bind their 
descendants together l)y that most indissoluble of ties, a common 
origin, and aid in maintaining that perfect harmony on which the 
cause of progress and the future of the nation so largely depends. 

Following the example of England and Holland, the early 
settlers of New England and New York strove for the maintenance 
of their religious rights, l>ut as yet entertained no thought of 
perfect religious toleration. Protestantism, still in its infancy, and 
inexpressibly dear to those who professed it, demanded for its 
nurture and increase the removal of all opposition ; and by reason of 
this fact, the action of its avowed and devoted adherents in 
hesitating, even when greatly in the majority, to accord perfect 
religious freedom to Catholics, can be understood without difliculty. 
Therefore it is that while we, in these later days, recognize the 
wisdom of the founders of the American Republic, in making 
religious as well as civil liberty the foundation of our institutions, 
we cannot harshly condemn the methods by which the early settlers 
of New England and New York sought to insure their own religious 
freedom. 

The fact that Eellomoiit signed an Act passed by the New 
York Assembly, making it a felony for any ecclesiastic of the church 
of Rome to reside in the Province after a certain specified date, has 
been adduced by some historical writers as a proof of intolerance 
and bigotry on his part, and referred to as an indelible stain upon 
his character. An impartial investigation of the circumstances will 

* Histoiy of Caratisius, by Gen. J. Watts de Peyster. 



KICIIAKII, KAHI. (iK HKI.T.c »|( INT. 41 

suffice, however, to prove to any uiiliiased mind, that it was "rather 
a measure of state policy than persecution," tliere heing a wide- 
spread hehef at tlie time that tlie Indian tril)es were l)eing excited 
to hostilities by Jesuit priests, working in the interests of the 
French. Yet it cannot be denied that lielloniont was a most zealous 
Protestant, and sought by every legitimate means to advance the 
interests of the Church to which liis sovereign and the great 
majority of his countrymen bclongctl, an<l in the preservation of 
which, in England, he himself, as one of the leaders in the Revolu- 
tion, had played no unimportant part. 

While Bellomont can hardly be accuseil of favoring any parti- 
cular clique or party among the colonists, it is t]-ue that he had a 
warm feeling of sympathy for the Leislerians. Yet, even for these, 
he did no more than common justice dictated. After a few months'' 
residence in New York he found that they were largely in the 
majority ; and, in an essentially democratic spirit, he paid them that 
attention which, as a just Governor, he felt was rightly their due. 
He did not proceed to any great lengths even in this. 1 have 
already mentioned that he ordered the restoration of the confiscated 
])roperty to the families of Leisler and Milborne ; and that by so 
doing he stirred up a host of enemies. But he merely enforced the 
provisions of an Act of Parliament, and however gladly he did so, 
it was duty and not favoritism on his part. 

A circumstance which occurred some months later, and which 
was made the cause of many and grievous complaints against him 
by his enemies, was really but the carrying out of the legal provi- 
sions reversing the Act of iVttainder on Leisler and Mill)orne, and 
was permitted out of deference to the wishes of their friends, who 
composed the jDopular majority. This circumstance was the disin- 
terment of the remains of Leisler and Milborne from the hole 
beneath the gallows into which they had been hastily thrown after 
the execution, and their reinterment, with Christian ceremonies, in 
the burial ground of the Dutch Church. Out of a proper and 
praiseworthy respect for the memory of the deceased, their relatives 
and connections, including Abraham Gouverneur, who had married 



42 LIKK ANI) ADMIMS'IKA ri(i\ (IF 

Mary Leisler, the widow of Jacol) Milbornt', and wlio was now the 
Speaker of the Assembly, decided on takiiii;- this step, provided 
they could obtain the (Tovernor's permission. As soon as it became 
known that the Leislerians were moving in the matter, a strong 
influence was brought to l)ear on Bellomont to prevent his giving 
his countenance to the plan. The ministers of the Dutch, French 
and English churches, and numy of the wealthy residents of the 
city i)etitioned against it ; the fonner, on the ground tliat it was 
likely to give rise tea breach of the peace ; the latter, presunuibly 
through hatred, they being pronounced anti-Leislerians. Bellomont's 
sentiments would not liowever allow him to refuse this tardy act of 
justice; and. braving the opposition, he not only granted permission 
for the burial, luit allowed a hundred soldiers to attend as a guard 
of honor. The disinterment took place at midnight, and although 
" it blew a rank storm for two or three days together." upwards of 
twelve hundred persons — mostly Dutch and numy of them from 
neighboring towns — were in attendance. This large crowd formed 
in procession, and to the lieating of muffled drums and lighted 
torches, proceeded with slow and solemn step through the dismal 
storm, to the City Hall, where the remains were allowed to lie in 
state for several days, after which they were interred in the Dutch 
Church.* 

In referring to this weird ati'air, Bellomont, in a letter to the 
Lords of Trade, says : " I do not repent my so doing since no man- 
ner of ill consequence ensued, and if it were in my ])ower I would 
restore them [Leisler and Mill)orne] to life again, for 1 am most 
confident and dare undertake to prove it, that the execution of 
these men was as violent, cniell and arbitrai'y a proceeding as ever 
was done upon the lives of men in any age under an English gov- 
ernment, and.it will be proved undeniably that Fletcher hath de- 
clared the same dislike and abhorrence of that proceeding that I 
now doe, notwithstanding his doubleness in publishing a book to 
applaud the justice of it and screen his sycophant Councillors, 

* Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, Oct. 2ist, i6g8. Doc. rel. to Col. 
Hist, of N. V. Vol. IV, p. 401. 



i;iciiAi;n. v..\k\. of iii:i.i.():\r()Xr. 4?) 

Nicholls, Bayard, Brooks aiid the i-est of the l)h)0(lhoiui(ls. * * * * 
I do not wonder tliat Bayard, Nichols and the rest of the mur- 
derers of these men sliould l)e disturlietl at the taking up of their 
liones ; it ]iut them in mind ('tis likely) of their rising hereafter in 
judgment against them."* 

This affair and others of far less importance wei-e greatly 
magnified hy the merchants of New York and their coi-respondents 
in London, in the hope of inducing the Lords of Trade to decide 
on Bellomont's removal. 

Besides the anti-Leislerians and the angry merchants, Bellomont 
had other enemies almost as powerful, and fully as vindictive and 
uncompromising. These were the persons who had obtained 
extravagant grants of land from flovernor Fletcher. Upon investi- 
gation Bellomont discovered that about three-quarters of the 
Province had been granted away to eleven persons. Perfectly 
amazed at the extent of these grants, which he knew was not fully 
realized in England, and perceiving the disastrous eflfect upon the 
growth of the C'olony which must result from confining such vast 
areas of fertile territory in the hands of a few speculators, he urged 
the Lords, of Trade to confer upon him power to vacate them. 
The people of Albany, through their representatives, had already 
memorialized him to vacate one of these grants — that made to William 
Pinhorne and others. They asserted that this grant totally disre- 
garded the natural rights of the Lidiau inhabitants who had been 
tlieir faithful allies during the French war, and also interfered 
with the rights of white settlers. The best part of the Province — 
that bordering upon the Hudson and Mohawk rivers, had been 
unwisely, if not criminally, cut otf fi'om the people by these grants; 
and Bellomont determined on having it restored if possible. After 
the Lords of Trade liad carefully studied the matter, they saw that 
Fletcher's policy in grants had been detrimental to the welfare of the 
country, in fact, had seriously interfered with its jirosjjerity. They 
explained affairs to the Lords Justices of England, and the latter 

* The Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trad.', May 15th, 1699. Doc. rel. to the 
Col. Hist, of A. v. Vol. IV, p. 523. 



44 LIFE AND ADMINISTKATTON OF 

thereupon instructed Bellouiont "that lie shoiikl put in practice all 
methods whatsoever allowed by law for the breaking an(i annulling 
those exorbitant, irregular and unconditional grants." 

In obedience to these instructions, Belloniont directed the 
Attorney-General of the Province to prepare and l)riiig in a bill for 
vacating Fletcher's grants. Six of the Council were present when 
the bill was brought up, three of whom, being themselves large 
land-owners, voted against it. The other three, with Bellomont's 
casting vote, passed it. This bill had been purposely framed to 
avoid giving general alarm, as Bellomont foresaw that the opposition 
of a large number of interested persons would probably result in 
defeating the measure. Having passed the Council, the bill was sent 
to the Assembly, and being successfully passed there, required 
merely the endorsement of tlie Lords of Trade and the approval of 
the King to become a law. 

But influences were speedily set to work to counteract this 
wholesome law. Those interested contributed money and sent one 
of their number to England, where, by counter-statements and mis- 
representations, he succeeded in preventing the immediate endorse- 
ment of the Act of the New York Assembly. Much as Bellomont 
labored in this measure, he did not live to see it carried out as 
emphatically as he desired ; but he had the satisfaction of knowing 
that the steps he took could scarcely fail to eventually secure the 
restoration to the people of tlie Province, of the large and valuable 
territory of which they had been illegally and unjustly despoiled. 

As ]u-eviously stated, Bellomont had three principal objects in 
view in coming to America ; these were the enforcement of the 
Acts of Trade, the suppression of piracy, and the healing of the 
local troubles between the colonists. To these objects, which 
primarily occupied his attention, may ])C added the vacating of the 
land grants ; and also the preservation of peaceful relations with 
the Indians, who were to lie prevented from falling under French 
influence. 

Unaided by vessels of wai", embarrassed by dishonest and 
untnistworthy officials, and opposed by a jiowerful clique of 



RICll.VTm, EAKL OF ISELI.OMONT. 45 

merchants, Belloinont's efforts to siippivss illegal trade were 
necessarily hut slia'htly sTiocessfnl. 

In operating against piracy he was more a power in his own 
]>ei-sf)n, for he conld refuse commissions and protections to free- 
hooters, and could also, with the aid of the troo]is at his command, 
arrest any who came within his jurisdiction. .Vs his sense of justice 
was evertoo great to allow him to palliate wrong, he could not hring 
himself to please the opponents of Leisler and Milliorne by refusing 
justice to the families of these two patriotic men, or honor to their 
insulted names and memory ; consecpiently he accomplislied little 
towards uniting the two contending parties. But from his point of 
view he did almost as well ; for he acknowledged the claims of the 
democracy — which was largely in the majority, so far as regarded 
inimbers — to representation in the government ; and by giving the 
people his support and encoin-agement, increased their loyalty to 
the Ch-own. 

Regarding his labors in vacafing the extravagant grants of land, 
reference has already been made. Although not completely 
successful, they were sufficient to arouse puhlic attention in England 
to the methods by which the Crown and the people both were 
robbed of valuable possessions for the enrichment of a few grasping 
individuals. His negotiations with the Indians were, as a rule, 
quite successful ; and would doubtless have l)een emphatically so, 
had the Home (Tovernment paid greater heed to his suggestions and 
recommendations in regard to their treatment. 

About August, 1698, the East India Company informed the 
Lords Justices that intelligence had reached them of acts of piracy 
committed l)v Captain Kidd. Circular-letters were accordingly 
sent to all the colonial governors giving notice of this news, and 
ordering a strict lookout to be kept for Kidd's appearance and his 
immediate capture if possil)le. In the early ^lart of this Address 
I gave the particulars of the fitting out of Kidd's expedition, and 
the details of his cruise for the first fifteen or sixteen months after 
leaving England, during which time he had adhered to his instruc- 
tions. From an impartial study of the \arious accounts of this 



4fi LIFE AXD AimiNTSTKATinX OF 

notorious freebooter, I am led to lielieve that lie became a pirate, 
not so much from any particular design on his jjart, as by force of 
circumstances, and previous training as a privateer. With a crew 
of lawless men, whose only hope of reward was leased on captui-es 
of some kind, which, since leaving New York, tliey had not been 
fortunate enough to make, it would not be surprising if fears of a 
mutiny compelled him to depart from the letter of his instructions. 
But, whatever the actual cause, he began his piratical career by an 
unsuccessful attack upon the Mocha fleet ; followed by the capture 
of a Moorish ship, from which he realized very little booty ; and 
an attack ujiun a Portuguese man-of-war which he gladly quitted 
after testing her prowess. This unprofitable warfare seems to have 
satisfied him temporarily ; and it is possilale that if he had been 
able to control his men, he would have confined himself thereafter 
to bis legitimate work, or else have returned to Englaiul. This 
seems all the more probable from the fact that he allowed the next 
ship that he fell in with — the Rai/dJ Ciqiiain — to proceed un- 
molested, merely exchanging with her the usual marine courtesies. 
But this unpiratical conduct, though it affords presumptive evidence 
of a desire on Kidd's part to avoid exceeding bis instructions, did 
not satisfy his men. ( )ne of them so irritated Kidd by his com- 
plaints that, in a tit of passion, the latter struck him to the deck 
with a Imcket, inflicting injiiries that proved fatal the next day ; 
and this, the only act of blood that stained bis career, and a some- 
what pardonable one, it would ajtpear. in a man completely at the 
mercy of a desperate and turbulent crew, forms the only foundation 
for the alleged bloodthirsty proclivities still attributed to him. 
Succeeding this event, lie made several small captures, followed by 
that of the ship " Quedagb Merchant " valued at about £<i4,()(l(i. At 
no time \w his career does he seem to have abandoned the idea of 
returning to England and giving an account of himself ; for, as late 
as the time of disposing of some of the goods taken in this last 
prize, he is known to have set aside the percentage due the owners. 
He claimed afterwards that the "Quedagh Merchant" sailed under 
a French jja.'ss, and consequently was a legal capture. Still, if so, and 



i;i( iiAi;ii, KAKi, iiF iii;i.i.(iM(.i.\i'. 47 

if he luid the intentiuii (^f acting t'liily ii]) to his iiisti'uoticms, he 
!<huiil(l liave taken iier to some P>ritish port and liad her eoiulenmed, 
a proeeediiig to whieli he does not appear to have given even a 

tllOllgllt. 

Arriving at Madagascar with Ids prize, lie hurnt tlie •■Adventure- 
galley," having tirst disposed of her outfit to pirates whom he met 
tliere, and who feared at first tliat lie would attempt tiieir <'apture. 
Ahout two-thirds of liis crew now ipiitted Inm to follow the fortunes 
of another leader, they previously receiving their share of the 
plunder taken from the last prize. With the remainder of hi.s men, 
Kidd sailed in the "Quedagh Merchant" for the "West Indies, arriving 
there in the spring of l<i99. Almost the tirst news wliich greeted 
him was that he had been declared a pirate. After some little 
diliicidty he succeeded in purchasing a sloop ; and putting into it 
forty men and some of his treasure, and leaving the rest of his booty 
in the " Quedagh Merchant," in charge of about a score of men, he 
sailed northwards, shortly arrixing in Delaware I>ay, where he 
readily obtained supplies. Later, he nuide liis appearance in the 
vicinity of New York ; but learning that Eellomont was in Boston, 
lie proceeded to Kliode Island, where he disendiarked a messenger 
to inform the Earl of his arri\al, and to make jjrotestations of his 
iimocence. 

Belloniont was overjoyed to liear that Kidd Wiis so near at 
hand and resolved to capture him, as his reputation in England was 
beginning to suffer from his connection with the expedition. 
With the advice of his Massachusetts Council, he sent back word 
to Kidd tliat if his rejiresentations were true he could come to 
Boston with safety. 

On the 1st of July, lt)99. Kidd arrived in Boston in his sloop, 
and presented himself before the (Tovernor and his ( 'ouncil for 
examination. He was not successful in nuiking his innocence 
appear, but the Earl hoping to discover where the shij) " Quedagh 
Merchant" was secreted, refrained from committing him to prison. 
A number of circumstances, however, showed Eellomont that the 
temper of the jjeople of the Province was favorable to Kidd, and 



48 LIFK AXI) AliMI.Msri;ATI()\ dl" 

fearing his escape and the disappearance of his spoil, he gave orders, 
on t]ie 6th of Jnly, for his arrest. At the same time, the cai-go was 
taken possession of by commissioners appointed by the Conncil, 
and a seai'ch was instituted for snch jjoods and treasure as had been 
concealed or disposed of by Kidd, in tlie several places where he 
had touched l)efore arriving at Boston. 

After his arrest, Kidd sent word to Hellomont that if he " would 
let him go to the place where he left tlie 'QuedUgli Merchant,' and to 
St. Tliomas's Island and Curasyao, he wonkl undertake to bring off 
fifty or three score thousand pounds which would otherwise be lost ; " 
and, "that he would l)e satisfied to goe a Prisoner."* 

Situated as Bellomont was, he did not dare to entertain this 
]m)])<)sal : but after trying in vain to learn where the "Qtiedagh 
Mi'rcliant '' lay, he ordered a vessel to he fitted out to go in seairh 
of her. Before this vessel sailed, however, he I'eceived information 
from a reliable source that the men left in charge of the "Quedagh 
Merchant,'" had removed her cargo in a slooj) td Cin'ascao, and then 
l)nnit her to the water's edge. 

The connnissioners appointed to take charge of the property 
of Kidd, reported the total i>f all seized and recovered as " one 
thousand one hundred and eleven ounces of gold, two tliousand 
three hundred and fifty three ounces of silver, fifty-seven bags of 
sugar, forty -one bales of goods, and seventeen pieces of canvas." 
.V portion of this property consisted of severa] pieces of plate and 
two hundred and sixty dollars in money belonging to Mrs. Kidd ; 
and twenty-five crowns, English money, belonging to her maid ; 
all of which was subsequently restored. 

It having been decided to try Kidd in London, the Home 
Government, sent over the Advice Frigate, commanded by (Japtain 
Wynn. to bring him thither ; and, in company with thirty other 
pirates, he arrived in England on the li^tli of April, 17t»), and was 
connnitted to prison in London. A year passed before he was 
brought to trial. In the meantime a fierce political opposition to 

*The Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, Jan. 5th, i6gg. Doc. r,-l. to 
Cot. Hist, of X. y. Vol. IV, p. 602. 



EICHAKD, EAKL 01-' BELLOMONT. 49 

Lord Soiiiers and the Earl of Oxfoi-d, resjiectively Loi'd ( 'liancellor 
and Lord IJigli Adniii-al of England, had sprung np, and their 
impeachment was determined upon. Every means was taken by 
their enemies to effect their ruin ; and among other charges brought 
against them, was that of connection with Captain Kidd, in which 
the Earl of Bellomont also was mentioned. 

The enemies of Bellomont in I-Cngland, principal among 
whom Mere the agents of those he had offended by his activity in 
suppressing illegal trade and in vacating the land grants, took 
advantage of this affair to press for his removal from office. They 
insinuated that he was sent from New York to countenance Kidd 
and other pirates, in the face of the fact that he had been the means 
of causing the arrest of a number of freebooters, and that he had 
almost succeeded in eradicating the evil in the provinces over 
which he governed, and that, too, by his vigorous and unaided 
measures. 

At this time also, the question of the Irish forfeitures was in 
agitation in Parliament, and much opposition was shown to the 
grants of conffscated estates made by William III to several of his 
favorites. The efforts of the Tories and Repuljlicans — who united 
against the Whigs — were successful ; and in abolishing the grants 
no distinction was made between those who were enriched by 
" injudicious partiality " and those who had been " sparingly 
rewarded" for services to the IState and the Protestant religion. 
Among those who suffered was Bellomont, who found himself 
deprived of an estate to which he was entitled as well by reason of 
the services of his father and grandfather, as by his own zeal in 
supporting the King, and the losses he was at by the rebellion in 
Ireland. 

The malicious rumors regarding his complicity with pirates, 
and the proceedings in relation to this and other matters in the 
House of Commons — where his name was now frequently dragged 
into debate — annoyed and won'ied him exceedingly. Conscious of 
his entire innocence of evil design, and knowing how earnestly he 
strove to discharge his onerous duties to the satisfaction of his 



50 ],IFE AND ADMINISTKATIOX OF 

sovereign, liis sorrow and mortification at being thus grossly 
maligned and misrepresented must have been keen in the extreme. 
But his proud nature, while chaffing under this harsh and unjust 
persecution and neglect, gave way to but little complaint ; nor did 
he for an instant relax that stern attention to duty which with him 
was ever a fixed principle. The following extract from a communi- 
cation by him to the Lords of Trade, dated October 17th, 1700, 
shows the temjierate nature of his remonstrances against the treat- 
ment he was receix-ing : 

" I have been much troubled tu find my name brought on the 
stage of the House of Commons al)Out Kidd. 'Twas lianl I thouglit 
I should be puslrd at so vehemently wlien it was known 1 had 
taken Kidd and secnr'd him in order to his punishment ; which 
was a sure sign the noble Lords concern'd with me, and myself, 
had no criminal design in setting out that ship. Another mortifica- 
tion I have met with is tlie loss of a rent-charge of a £1,000 a year 
which the King was pleased to give me upon an L-ish forfeited 
estate, in recompense of the great loss 1 had sustained by the 
rebellion in Ireland. If I have served the King and interests of 
England here, I am sure I have been strangely rewarded there." 

All through his administration Bellomont showed himself 
possessed of an inflexible integrity. By winking at illegal trade 
he could easily have gained the favor of the merchants, and silenced 
all opposition ; for the clamor against him arose mainly from the 
fact that many of those engaged in trade found their profits sadly 
lessened by his extraordinary vigilance ; by becoming a partner in 
their unlawful practices he could quietly, but surely, have amassed a 
fortune. But he pursued an exactly opposite course ; and so 
careful was he not to involve himself in any way with those engaged 
in commercial transactions, where it wtm possible that the influence 
of his name might be used in evading the law, that he refused an 
offer of silent partnershi]) in a legitimate lousiness, made to him by 
a Xew England merchant.* He might have added largely to his 



*The Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, 2Sth Nov., 1700. Doc. relating- 
to Col. Hist. M. Y. Vol. IV, p. 792. 



RirilARII, EARI, <tF BELI.OMONT. 51 

income by granting ininmiiity or protection to pirates ; but thougli 
very tempting inducements were held out to him — amounting in 
one instance at least to £5000, for protecting a single company of 
pirates,* and in several other instances to quite large sums for 
similar services, he indignantly refused them all. 

Having taken Kidd into custody, he carefiiUy guarded all the 
treasure seized with him, and instituted an honest search for what 
had been removed from the sloop before it put into Boston. 
Having recovered this portion, he added it to the original seizure 
and sent the whole to England, " without retaining to the value of 
a farthing" for himself; and, according to the testimony of Secre- 
tary Vernon,t he pursued the same honest course with the effects 
of every pirate he seized. 

Bellomont's own statement in regard to the possibilities of 
profit in administering the government of New York, shows that 
the post could have been made a decidedly valuable one to a 
(rovernor with an elastic conscience. He says : " 'Tis trae if I 
could make this a mart of piracy, confederate with the merchants 
and wink at their unlawful trade ; if I would pocket all the oif- 
i-eckonings, make three hundred ])ounds per annum of the article 
of victualling the poor soldiers, muster half Companies, pack an 
Assembly that would give me what money I jjleased and let me 
misapply it as I pleased, and pocket a great part of the publick 
moneys ; I could make this government very valuable, I believe 
more than that of Ireland, which is reckoned the best government 
in his Majestie's gift." :J: 

But the honest Bellomont refused to profit by doing wrong 
himself, or allowing others to do wrong. He contented himself 
therefore with his legitimate perquisites, an account of which for the 
first year of his administration in this Province, with a reference 
to his salary, I quote from one of his letters to the Lords of Trade : 

" That your Lordships may be judges of all the profits of this 

*Doc. relating to the Colonial Hist, of the State of iVe7o Vori'. Vol. IV, p. 458. 

\ Letters of James Vernon to the Duke of Shrewsbur)'. Vol. Ill, p. 27. 

I Doc relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York. Vol. IV, p. 378. 



52 LITE ANT) ADMINISTKATION OF 

government, I resolve you shall know to a sliilling wli;it the per- 
quisites are from time to time. I formerly sent you an account of 
the seizures of ships and imlawful goods with the apprizements 
and sales of them, and for how nnich ; and in thirteen months that 
I have heen here I have got but eighty-three pounds six shillings 
New York money from the Secretary for passes for Slii])s, Licenses 
for Marriaares and Probats of AVills and all other thinm wherein 
the Scale of the Province has been used. And when I went to 
Albany the present from the Indians consisting in Beaver skins 
and some few others skins, I sold for eighty pounds nine shillings 
and ten pence New York money. I can safely declare upon oath 
that the particulars above specifyed and my salary of four hundred 
pounds per annum are all the profits I have had, received, or made 
directly or indirectly since my being in the Government, that I 
know or remember." * 

AVhen Kidd was brought before the Commissioners in England, 
he defended himself on the ground that his men had forced him to 
exceed bis instructions. When questioned as to the amount of 
treasure brouglit by him to New England, he said he estimated it 
to be worth about £30,000 ; but added that part of it had been 
embezzled by those who got it into tlieir hands, although he 
acquitted Lord Tiellomont of having kept any part of it. 

The trial of Kidd did not take place until the Stli of May, 1701. 
ILiving been " found guilty on an indictment for the murder of 
Moore, the gunner, and on live separate indictments for piracy, he 
was sentenced to be hung, and in the same month [May 12th] was 
accordingly executed." + 

Some apologists for Kidd, in their endeavor to make it appear 
that he was a martyr to circumstances, have felt it necessary to 
blacken the character of Bellomont, whom they accuse of dealing 
perfidiously with his former friend. A conscientious stiidy of the 
whole subject must however convince the impartial and unpreju- 
diced student that no other course was open to an honest man like 

* Doc. relating to the Colonial History' of the State of A'ew York. Vol. VI, p. 522. 
f Henry C. Murphy. 



RTCHARD, EARL OF BELLOMONT. 58 

Bellomoiit, tliaii that wliicli he took. His duty as a magistrate was 
phnn ; he liad orders to suppress piracy and to arrest pirates ; and 
so far as he had the power he carried out the law. Even if Kidd 
had been forced into piracy by a mutinous crew, it was not for 
Bellouiont to decide that he was not guilty. His duty to himself 
and to his family demanded that he should exonerate himself from 
all charges of complicity with Kidd's illegal deeds ; and this was 
only possible through the fullest investigation — which, to his credit 
be it said, he anxiously courted. 

" To an intelligent and candid judge of human actions,'' says 
the eminently wise Macaulay, from wliom I quote, " it will not 
appear that any of the persons at whose expense the " Adventure- 
galley " was fitted out deserved serious blame. The worst that could 
be imputed even to Bellomont, who had drawn in all the rest, was 
that he had been led into a fault by his ardent zeal for the public 
service and by the generosity of a nature as little prone to suspect 
as to divise villainies. His friends * * * might surely be 
pardoned for giving credit to his recommendation. It his highly 
probable that the motives which induced some of them to aid his 
design was genuine public spirit. But if we sujjpose them to have 
had a view to gain, it was to legitimate gain. Their conduct was 
the very opposite of corrupt. Not only had they taken no money, 
they had disbursed money largely and had disbursed it with the 
certainty that they shovild never be reimlnirsed unless the outlay 
proved beneficial to the public. That they meant well they proved 
Ijy staking thousands on the success of their plan ; and if they 
erred in judgment the loss of those tliousands was siirely a sufficient 
punishment for such an error. On this subject there would proliably 
have been no difference of opinion had not Somers been one of the 
contributors."* 

I have thus far merely attempted to show the obstacles en- 
countered by Bellomont in his attempts to suppress piracy and 
illegal trade ; and have dwelt briefly on the opposition awakened by 

* History of England . 



54 LIFE ANIl AD^riXISTRATION OF 

his labors in this direction and against the extravagant land grants. 
These labors were the most important of his administration, and to 
them he gave the greater part of his attention and energy. His 
success, it is time, was far from being wliat was expected by the 
English government or desired by himself. Yet, in the face of all 
the circumstances, it was as much as could have been accomplished 
by an impartial and honest governor. At the time he came to the 
Province, knavery and rascality may be said to have been at a pre- 
mium, and those who practised them nnblushiugly, became, in many 
instances, both wealthy and powerful. This element, with the 
friends and adherents of Fletcher and the so-called " Jacobites " — 
who detested Bellomont for his efforts in furthering the English 
Revolution — formed a party which not only steadily opposed every 
reform introduced by the new Governor, but also persistently mis- 
represented and maligned him. Active in the Province, it had also 
its agents in England ; and with a spirit similar to that which actuates 
some of our modern political parties, it seems that their rallying 
cry was " anything to beat " Bellomont. It is impossible to say 
how far their attempts would have been successful, had not the 
hand of death intervened and removed the object of their per- 
secutions. 

The time allotted to the delivery of this Address does not per- 
mit of my touching on any of the minor matters that engaged Bel- 
lomont's attention in his government of this Province ; and for the 
same reason 1 am obliged to omit any account of his administration 
in England. One subject, however, I feel that simple justice de- 
mands I should not wholly neglect. Therefore I shall detain you a 
few minutes longer to refer to his religious character, which was 
variously assailed by his enemies, and with such success as to lead 
the Bishops of London to congratulate the Reverend Mr. Vesey, 
Rector of Trinity Church, on the probable success of the efforts 
made for the Earl's removal from office. 

Altliough but little is known of the religious t/^ndencies of 
Bellomont in early life, it is certain tliat in his later yeai's he was a 
professing Christian, and a regular attendant at cliurcli and 



KICIIAKD, EAKL OF BELI.uMOXT. 55 

couiimuiioa. There can be no more question of his sincerity tlian that 
of thousands of worthy persons who in youth liave not l)een especially 
noted for their religious zeal, but who in mature hfe become pillars 
of \'irtue and piety. In New York he was attentive to his religious 
duties and zealous in promoting Christianity, particularly among 
the Indians. 

Bellomont's neglect in attending church began about the time 
the Act of Assembly was passed vacating the extravagant land 
grants. Among those who became his enemies, owing to his efforts 
in favor of this act, was the Reverend Godfrey Dellius, the Dutch 
minister at Albany. This person, by adopting the methods then in 
vogue for obtaining lands from the Indians, became possessed of an 
immense tract of land, described as covering eight hundred and 
forty square miles, which was duly granted to him by Governor 
Fletcher. The evil of these land grants was clearly perceived by 
the Assembly and the conduct of those who obtaind them justly 
denounced. The course of Dellius seems to have been deemed 
peculiarly reprehensible, he being a clergyman ; and when the Bill 
vacating the grants was sent to the Assembly, that body attached 
to it a clause for depriving hhn of his benefice at Albany, and 
refused to pass the Bill without that clause. To this Bellomont and 
his Council agreed, believing that it was " better to lose a wicked 
Clergyman than a good Bill." 

Shortly after the passage of this Act those persons who were 
deprived of land by it, subscribed £7<t(i, and employed Dellius to 
represent them in England. Fortilied with certificates of piety 
and good life, the latter went abroad, and succeeded in prejudicing 
in his favor the Classes of Amsterdam, which sent Bellomont a 
remonstrance. In England he was no less successful. The Bishops 
of London, who, it appears, had then jurisdiction over New York, 
likewise hearkened to his representations of Bellomont, and came 
to regard the Earl as a jjersonage dangerous alike to church and 
state. This opinion was strengthened by a communication from 
the Wardens and Vestry of Trinity Church, which represented 
Bellomont as the enemy of that Church, and prayed that the 



56 LIFE AM) A1>J[IMSTKATI<)X OF 

Bishop would iuterest himself in protecting it from the destruction 
threatened. The only step taken by the Earl against Trinity 
Church was to approve of the Act which deprived it of the King's 
Farm granted to it by Governor Fletcher ; and this proceeding was 
by no means harsh, for in it Belloinont but reclaimed land rightfully 
belonging to the Governor's house, and for which he had pressing- 
need, as I have previously stated. 

It is strange that merely depriving the Church of a piece of 
land, to which it had but seven years' lease, should have sufficed to 
ol)literate the recollection of Bellomont's numerous benefactions 
and kindnesses of a previous date. But such was the case. Mr. 
Vesey, the clergyman to whom Bellomont had been a good friend, 
now became his enemy, and not only neglected to pray for him, as 
was the custom towards all Governors, but opeuh' and repeatedly 
prayed for the siife passage and success of Dellius, who had 
been deprivctl l)v law of his benefice and had gone abi'oad the 
avowed enemy of the Earl. It can scarcely lie wondered at that 
Bellomont remained away from church under the circumstances. 
That he did not abandon his religious duties and that he did not 
become an enemy of the church, is evident from the regularity of 
his attendance at King's Chapel in Boston, and the solicitude he 
manifested for the welfai-e of religion in that place. 

Bellomont's visit to Massachusetts took place in IGDli. In the 
spring of that year, having succeeded in restoring the affairs of 
New York to a reasonable degree of order, he accepted the invita- 
tion of the Lieutenant-Governor, Council and Assembly of Massa- 
chusetts, to visit that Province. Leaving the government of New 
York in the hands of Lieutenant-Governor Nanfan, he departed for 
Boston, accompanied by Lady Bellomont and a large retinue of 
servants. 

I have not time to dwell, even briefly, on Bellomont's course in 
New England. He was everywhere well received by the inhabi- 
tants, who were greatly pleased with him. His various duties in 
Massachusetts and New Hampshire occupied his attention during 



RICIIARI), EARL OF BELLOMONT. 57 

the remainder of tlie year, and in that time he was the recipient of 
the sum of £150(t, voted him hy the (reneral C'onrt of Massachu- 
setts, with which he wa.s in perfect harmony. A most imjjortant 
incident of his sojonrn in New EngLand, was the arrest of Caj)tain 
Kidd, the details of whicli I liave already given. 

Returning to New York at the close of the year, he resumed 
his old battle against illegal trade and piracy, and gave those who 
persisted in violating tlie laws so little peace, that a petition against 
him, signed by a large number of New York mercliants, was sent 
to England. It contained thirty-two heads of complaint, and 
charged Bellomont with defaming the character of eminent and res- 
pectable persons, by accusing them of corrupt practices in trade, and 
with abetting piracy. About the same time, the merchants of Lon- 
don petitioned the King to interfere and aflford redress to their suf- 
fering brethren in New York. Despite these assaults, Bellomont 
gave them no peace, so long as he suspected they were violating the 
law ; and to my mind no greater proof of his honesty could be 
adduced than this fact. 

The continual worry and annoyance to which he was subjected 
Ijy liis numerous enemies, both in America and England, had a bad 
effect on his general health ; and in consequence, the gout, which 
had lately begun to give him serious trouI)le, made rapid headway. 
In Februaiy, 1701, an unusually severe attack set in, which termi- 
nated fatally, on the 5th of March following, producing a profound 
feeling of grief in the provinces. 

The remains of tlie Earl were interred with liecoming honors 
" in tiie chapel of the Fort at the Battery,"* " then occupied by 
the royal military forces for public worship. "f When the Fort 
was taken down and the Battery leveled, the leaden coffin was 
removed, and finally deposited in St. Paul's Churchyard. Dunlap, 
the historian, cites Mr. Pintard as authority for tbe statement that 
this Society, at one time, possessed the Earl's coffin-plate. 

* Sketch of Lord Belloinont, by J. B. Moore ; in Stryker's Amer. Qtiar. Register, 
Vol. I. 

f Discourse (August, 1S56) by tlie Rev. Dr. Thomas DeWitt. 



58 LIFE AND ADMINISTRATION OF 

In Massachusetts, the general grief was no less profound than in 
New York, and a general fast was ordered throughout that Province. 

Lady Bellomont remained in New York for several years after 
lier husband's death ; but tinally went to live in England, where 
she nuirried a gentleman named Samuel Pytts. She survived the 
Earl some thirty -six years. 

At the time of Bellomont's death, Lieutenant-(TOveruor Nan- 
fan was absent in Barljadoes on business connected with his wife's 
estates, and the administration of the Government pro Um.. com- 
fonnably to the King's instructions, fell upon Colonel Abraham de 
Peyster, senior memlier of the Council. Captain Nanfan shortly 
afterwards returned to New York and remained in charge of affairs 
until the arrival of Edward Hyde, styled by courtesy Lord Corn- 
bury, who was appointed to till the vacancy occasioned by Bello- 
mont's death. 

Such an eminent authority as the historian Maeauley, after a 
brief review of Bellomont's career, declares that he was a man " of 
eminently fair character, upright, courageous, and independent." 
In this opinion it would be im])0ssible fur a conscientious student 
of history not to concur. Beset in his administration by difficulties 
the most harassing, maligned and misrepresented to the Home 
Government, lacking the support of the most of those in the 
Province who belonged to the wealthy and aristocratic classes, and 
conscious that these latter were continually intriguing to secure his 
disgrace and removal, he yet never was tempted to swerve from his 
duty, which he made superior to every consideration. And there 
is no doubt, had his life been spared, that he would have succeeded 
in carrying out to a successful ending, the numerous reforms in the 
conduct of colonial affairs which had been so flatteringly and 
confidently entrusted to his management by the King; and that 
his wise policy for imj^roving, developing and harmonizing the 
interests of the colonies, would have lieen productive of the happiest 
results. 

In conclusion, I have only to add that a careful study of the 
history of the period, has convinced me that Lord Bellomont was 




Col. Abraham de Peyster. 




Mrs. Col. Abraham de Peyster. 



RlrirARO, EARL OF BELI.OMOXT. 59 

persistently maligned and alrased, solely beeanse he had an eye to 
the public service and not to individual advancement. Strange to 
say, his enemies were to be found among all classes, a fact which, to 
my mind, however, determines his great honesty and independence 
of character. Those engaged in illegal trade hated him, because he 
was not to be bribed or cajoled into tolerating the least infraction of 
laws. The merchants were also his enemies, because he would not 
violate his obligation of office and wink at their evasions of the 
Acts of Trade. All ojij^osed to Leisler and Mill)orne were against 
him, because he carried out the Act of Parliament ordering that 
justice be done their memory. Even the greater part of the clergv 
were arrayed against him : those of the Dutch Church, because he 
would not tolerate the iniquitous conduct of Dellius ; and those of 
the English Church, because he would not alienate a portion of the 
estate attached to the C-rovernor s residence. Thus it will be seen 
the private interests of a large class were opposed to the law ; and 
Bellomont, as the representative of the law, audits faithful adminis- 
trator, was reprobated and viliiied by that class. 

It must not be thought from this that he had no friends and 
adherents among the colonists. r)n the contrary, his cordiality and 
fair-dealing won for him the esteem of all right-minded persons ; 
and by them he was both appreciated and respected. ll\% only 
wea2:)on in dealing with his enemies was the truth. To him is 
eminently applicable the famous lines of Horace: 

" Inteffef vifce scelerisquepurxx . 
JVon eget Mauri jaculis, neque arm 
Neo. venenatis gravida .wq'dtix 
Ftixce, pharetrn ;'''' 

thus admirably translated liy the Eeverend Doctor Francis : — 

The 2fin(, irlio Jiuoicti not gv'dtij I'ear, 
JS^or 'wantx tin' Bov\ imr pointed Spear j 
Nor needs, ir]ide innocent at Jleiirt, 
The Quiver, teeming ivith the pjoison'il Dart. 



ERRATA. 



Page 6, fourth line for Dwit-vich 



13. 

14, 
16, 

17, 
19. 

21, 
22, 

25. 



read Droitwich. 

" indisputable 

" wliich. 

" following. 

" William. 

" thwarted. 



last line " indisputed 

fifteenth line *' lolio 

thirtieth line " followiug 

third line " IVillliam 

fourteenth line " twarted 

eleventh line, after " Holmes" should be a proper marginal reference, and at 
foot of page a note, giving as authority, Gen. Cust's Lives of the Warriors, 
Vol. II, p. 482. 

[Note] * should read The Old Streets of Ne-o York under the Duteh, by 
James W. Gerard. 

[Note]* should read Day'KS,' Nistor}' of Nol/and. 

third and sixth lines for Dominie 

twentieth line 

eleventh line 

twenty-third line 

seventh line 

thirty-fourth line 

[Notes]*, -t, t, ^ " Kidd " "A full Ac- 

count of the Proceedings in relation to Capt. Kidd ; in two Letters Written 
by a person of Quality to a Kinsman of the Earl of Bellomont in Ireland. 
[London ; MDCCI.] 

first line for Oxford 

twenty-ninth line 

twenty-ninth line 

fourteenth line 

twenty-ninth line 

first line 

third line 

eighteenth line 

twenty-sixth line 

thirtieth line 

first line 

sixteenth line 

twenty-eighth line 

twentv-ninth line 



or Dominie 


read 


Dominie. 


" latter 




later. 


" gereral 




general. 


' ' out 




on. 


" Colombus 




Columbus 


' ' Tvhith 




with. 


" A^idd 




"A full 



or Oxford 


read Orford. 


' hare 


have had. 


' Freneh 


" French. 


' unsuallv 


unusually. 


' Govemer 


Governor. 


' Oxford, 


" Orford. 


' chaffing 


chafing. 


' his 


" is. 


' England 


" New England. 


' Bishops 


Bishop. 


' than that 


than of that. 


' obtaind 


obtained. 


' Classes 


" Classis. 


' Bishops 


Bishop. 






V-%>0t*'r^ 






■ A'^-w-x^ 










APPENDIX. 



LETTEES FROM THE EAKL ()F BELLOM(^NT 



COLONEL ABRAHAM de PEYSTER. 



{Ori^tiais hi the possession of the Neiv York Historical Society.\ 



Boston, the gth of J any. [i6] 'qQ- 
Sr. I have yours of the 26th of last month, and desire you will be as good 
as your word in getting the four hatts made, and sent to Barbadoes. 

I desire you will deliver the Inclosed Letter to Mr. LATHAM with your 
own hand, and pray Incourage him all you can to proceed upon cutting the 
Ship Timber that I have directed him. I have got the sizes and scantlings of 
such Timber as will be proper for the King's use, and have now sent an acc't 
of them to Mr. LATHAM. You will do well to Injoyn Mr. Latham to take 
speciall care to cut none but such as is principall and choice Timber, and to do 
it as cheaply as he can reasonably afford it. It behooves you to take some pains 
with Latham, so that the King may be compensated for putting the ship 
Fortune upon him, which I am in some apprehension the Ministers will resent 
as a misconduct in the Lt. Governor and Councill of N. York ; and there is no 
way of repairing the King, but by sending him that Ship's Loading of choice 
Timber, and at a cheap rate. 

As to the report of my Lord Cornbery's* coming over Governor, if it 
were true I should be very easy ; but I do not at all believe it, the more for its 
comeing from Dellius, who, we all know, has a notable Talent at lying. 



* Lord CoRNBt'RV succeeded 3d May, 1702. after the death of Bellomont. 



11 APPENDIX. 

I cannot draw Bills of Exchange for monev in Engl'd till I have advice 
that the arrear Due to the souldiers is received. There came a ship in here 
from England on Sunday last, after twelve w'eeks' passage, but I had not one 
letter by her. The Master tells me that Capt. Mason, Master of the ship 
Bellomont, had several! packets for me ; he was sailing out of the Downs, 
along with this ship, but the wind chopping about, he fears Capt. MaSON was 
forced back again. 

I am heartily glad of your good Luck, in your ships comeing in from the 
Madeiras, at a time when there is such a scarcity of wine at N. York. 

I desire you will make some safe bargains w'th Mr. Latham, and furnish 
him with money. I shall by next post write to Coll. Cortland to pay you all 
the arrears of my salary. I wish you would take a copy of my Letter to Mr. 
Latham, which I have not time now to send you. My Service to Madm. 
D- Peyster. I am 

Your humble Servant, 

BELLOMONT. 



Bo.STON, ///(• 22nd Jan y, [i6] 'gg. 

Sr. I have got the gout in my right hand, and cannot yet write to you my 
.Self. The Pipe of wine last come from the Madeiras, must be delivered to my 
Cousin Nanfan, but the Box of Sweets* is a present from Mr. Bolton, the 
Consul, to mv Wife ; therefore I desire you will send it by the first opportunity 
to her. 

I recommended your business with Mr. Van Sweeting to my Lord Chan- 
cellor and Mr. Secretary- Vernon, and drew up a state of your case with my 
own hand, as well as I could, and sent to each of them ; but then your freinds 
that solicits your business in London, must apply to my Lord Chancellor and 
Mr. Secretar}', with great Caution and discretion ; for men of their upright 
character will not care to be solicited in a matter of that nature. Our last ship 
went for England about Ten days ago, so that I cannot have an opportunity of 
writing again about that business of yours till Spring. 

I desire you will not faile to take a speciall care about the Ship Timber, 
which I writ to you of last post, for I look upon my Reputation to be much 
concerned in that matter. 

I send you a Copy of Mr. Bolton's Letter to me, that vou may see what 

* The word is doubtful. 



APPENDIX. Ill 

he writes, and what he Challenges as due to him upon the Balance of the 
account. 

I hear the Jacobite party in N. York have named a new Governor, before 
the King has thought fit to name one ; and I am also told they lay Waggers 
that I shall not go any more to N. York ; but for all that, I desire you will 
bespeak me Two pipes of good ale and Two pipes of small beer at Albany or 
Schenectady, which I would have laid in at N. York, against my goeing thither. 
Pray charge the man you bespeak it of to boyle it very well, and to make it as 
good as possibly he can. 

t have writ to Coll. Cortl.'VNDT, by the post, to pay you what money is 
due to me of my salary, which I desire you will call to him for. My Service to 
Madam De Peyster. 

I am, your humble Servant, 

BELLOMONT. 



Boston, the ^th of Fcb'y. [i6| 'pp. 

Sr. I have your letter of the 22d of last month, but have rec'd no Letter 
from Mr. LATHAM, as vou made me expect, by this post. The Scantlings of 
Ship Timber I mentioned in my Letter to him, are for a first-rate Man-of-War. 
If he cannot get Timber of so large a size, I would have him get as near those 
sizes as he can. for, the bigger and larger, the better. If he does not make 
haste to cut the Timber, he will lose the proper season of the year ; therefore, 
I beg of you to hasten hiin all that ever you can, and give him Incouragement 
that I will be very kind to hiin if he uses me faithfully and well in the Ship 
Timber. 

1 have writ very pressingly to Coll. Cortlandt to pay you my full arrear 
of Salary, which I hope he will do, especially if you Dun him a little for it. 

If the other Hatter you mention will make the four Hatts I bespoke as well 
as Yarrington, I shall be satisfied that he make them. 

The Two Merchant Ships that have Letters for me from England, are not 
vet arrived, but the advice Man-of-War, a 4th rate, Capt. Wvnn, Commander 
arrived here last Saturday, in six weeks, from Portsmouth, and brought me 
orders from the King to send home all the Pyrates and their Effects. The 
Ministers continue to write to me with great Kindness, and tell me the King is 
very well pleased with my administration in my Governments. If the angry 
Gentlemen of N. York have their Intelligence from better hands than the King's 
Ministers, or of a Later Date than the loth of last December, then I shall 



IV APPENDIX. 

believe they are very deep in the secrets of the Cabinet ; and if they can prevail 
by their Interest to make a new Governour of New York, with all my heart 
what please the King shall please me. Our Service to Madam De Peyster. 

I am, 
Your humble Servant, 

BELLOMONT. 



Boston, the igth Feb'y, i6Qg. 

Sir. I find the Letters which I writ to England about vour business, are 
rec'd, for I have answer to them. 

I am very thankful to you for your care in Imploying Mr. Latham to 
provide the Ship Timber. 1 desire you will continue your care in Incouraging 
of him to the speedy and exact performance of that ser\-ice, wherein you can 
never oblige me more as long as you live. If I imploy any body at New York 
to go home Master of the ship Fortune, it shall be that SymmONS that you 
mention, because you recommend him; but I would not absolutely engage 
myself to him as yet, because possibly some reason may offer in the meantime 
why he may not be so proper a man for such a Trust. 

I desire you will take care to send the Inclos'd to Mr. BOLTON, the Consul 
of the Madeiras ; and that you will also send the money he charges in his acc't 
as due bv me to him. I have sent to him for three pipes of wine — one whereof 
I have bespoke to be white Madeira. I desire you will give the Master of your 
ship particular charge of my pipes of wine, and that you will send as much 
money in Bits* as will pay for those three pipes. 

My Cousin N.\NFAN will show you part of a Letter from one of the King's 
Ministers to me, bv this Man-of-War, w'ch I have already copied exactl)' from 
the said Letter. I do assure you I have had Letters by the same ship from 
almost all the Ministers, full of expressions of kindness, and approving of and 
Commending up my Administration in my Governments. 

My Service I pray to Madam De Peyster. 

I was yesterday on horseback, and rid four or five miles, but am yet weak, 
especially in my hands, so that I cannot write without Trouble. 

I am, 
Your huinble Sen'ant, 

BELLOMONT. 



* Bits — Probably Pistareens (Spanish and West Indian), of which there were as many as a half 
dozen (or more) kinds, bearing different dates and varying slightly in value — from i6 to i8 cents U. S. 
currency. 



APPENDIX. V 

Boston, the lyth of March, [i6| 'gg. 

Sir. I am heartily vex'd to understand from my Cousin Nanfan that 
Latham has not yet cut the Timber I directed, for now the Spring is so 
forward that they will perceive, when it comes into England, that the Timber 
was not cut in the proper season. This will be reckoned a fault in me, that 
after I have given an account home of my design of sending that Ship Leaden 
w'th Ship Timber, I should come off so poorly as to send what is not good or in 
season. I fear this neglect in Latham is not to be retriev'd. 

I shall not venture to order the money you writ about in your last letter for 
bringing stores from England formerly, till I go to New York, and then advise 
with the Council about it. 

I have writ to my Cousin NAN FAN to appoint Mr. WALTERS Judge in 
your stead pro hac vice* I am quite out of money here, and must draw on 
Coll. COURTLANDT for 50^, unless you have received my Salary from him. 
Our Service to Madam De Peyster. I am. 

Your humble Servant, 

Coll. De Peyster. BELLOMONT. 



Pescataqua, j>(/^«^., [16] 'gg. 

Sir. I hope this Letter will find you safely arriv'd at York, where I wish 
you may meet your family and friends in good health. 

I desire you will not faile to send me a copy of the French Lady's letter to 
her Paramour, Mr. Dellius, about the big belly she lays to his charge ; and, if 
it be possible to recover the original Letter, I desire you will get it for me, and 
send it by the first post. I intend, next post, to write to Coll. Courtlandt, 
to pay you the arrear of my Salary, and also the growing Income thereof 
monethly, as it becomes due. I have not time now to write to him. I wish you 
would tell Mr. Leisler that I cannot move the King to get his father's debt 
order'd to be paid, for want of Governeur's and other people's testimony, on 
oath, that they saw Capt. Leisler's bookes and that there was such a sum 
due, as Dr. Staats and Governeur told me; but the sum they mention 'd 
I have forgot. Let this be done Immediately, if they are able to Swear to it ; 
it must be drawn up handsomely, that I may transmit it to England. 

I desire you will find out some honest, able ship carpenter at York, to send 
along with Ryer Schermerhoorn, to view the woods on Mr. Dellius's 

* "/»ro hac vice" — " For this term," or, " For this time ;" /". e. " For this occa-sion." 
Col. De Pevster and Robert Walters were Puisne Judges of the Supreme Court. 



VI . APPENDIX. 

biggest Grant,* and to bring me an exact account whether there be any Pine or 
fir Trees big enough or long enough for Masts for the King's ships of War, from 
30 inches to 48 inches in diameter, and whether there grow any quantity, and 
how convenient for a water carriage. That is, whether they grow near the river, 
that they may be floated down the river to York. He must be very particular 
in his account and very exact, that I may send it to England ; and I would have 
him also bring an account what other sorts of well grown Timber Trees of oak 
or other trees he meets with there, and he must go over all that Land to view 
the woods, which I would have him put into writing. Therefore, the man you 
send ought to know how to write. There was also some other part of the 
Country which Ryer Schermerhoorn, and, I thinke, the Mayor of Albany, 
told me of, where they said there grew good masts for ships. I desire you will 
appoint the Carpenter to go thither along with Ryer ; also, I leave it with you 
to make the bargain with the Carpenter, and I will perform it with him ; and if 
he wants money to bear his charges, I desire you will advance it, and stop it 
out of my Salary. Pray send the account as it stands between you and me. 
I desire you will take all possible care to preserve the ship Fortune, and I will 
send her to England, next Spring, with naval stores to the King. Let me hear 
from you every post. Myne, with my wife's kind Service to your selfe and 
Madam De Pevster. 

1 am Your very affectionate Ser\ant, 

BELLOMONT. 

I have receiv'd vour Letter from Boston. I desire to know when the ne.xt 
ship goes to England, that 1 may send the pipe of wine. 



B0.STON, 21 Aug. [16] gg. 

Sir. I am very glad of your safe arrival at York, and I must tell you we 
misse you here, where you are in the favor and good opinion of every body. 
If Dr. Staats and Mr. GoVERNEUR'st memories are too short in respect to 
the debt due to Capt. Leisler, I know not which way to move the King in 
behalf of Mr. Leisler, for, unlesse the debt can be ascertained, it would be 
most ridiculous for me to ask the King to refund to the heir of Capt. LEISLER 
a debt of I know not what sum. Therefore I advise you to call Mr. LEISLER, 

* See Smith's History of New York^ page 159, Edition (Albany) in i Vol. of 1814. 
+ Abraham Gouvernel'R, Member from Orange County ; married Gov, Leisler's daughter, the 
widow of MiLBORNE. 



APPENDIX. Vll 

Dr. Staats, and Mr. Walters and Mr. Governeur together, and see what 
they can say to refresh one another's memory in that matter ; otherwise it will 
be Impossible for me to do Mr. Leisler the Service I am desirous to do him. 

I would willingly send my pipe of wine to England, but Jeffers is so 
Crosse a fellow, and not my friend, that I am not willing to venture it by him, 
least he should play tricks with it out of spite to me : but, where there is a good 
opportunity, I will desire the favor of you to have it shipp'd, and sent to England. 
My Cousin, Nanfan, has the key to the Cellar where the pipe of wine is ; it was 
left by John, my butler, with ROBERT, the Coachman's Wife. You may Call 
to 'em for it, and send the wine when you see convenient ; but I believe the 
pipe must be fiU'd up, which I desire may be done with good wine. When the 
ship is almost ready to saile let me know, that I may write a letter, to the person 
I send the pipe of wine to in England. 

I desire you will let me know^ pr ne.xt post whether the battery which 
Coll. Fletcher sold, or granted away to Ebenezer Wilson, be entirely built 
on in N. York, and whose land it was he made batteries on in the war time. 
Mr. Leisler I believe was one, and I think a quaker another — George 
Heathcote is the Quaker's name, as I thinke. But, pray, inform your selfe 
of this particularly, and let me know. 

You must by ail means get me that Letter from the woman in Canada to 
Dellius, and send it me by next post, if it be possible, for 't will be of great 
use to me. 

I am not at all pleased with your present Sheriffe, De Rymer.* I hear he 
returns such Juries as do the King all the wrong in the world, upon all the 
Tryals of unlawful things and goods. I know not whether I have reason to 
like Governeur better than De Rymer. The not sending home an agent 
from the Assembly to withstand the Indeavors of Bayard Dellius, and all 
the knaves of that party, was the foolishest step that was ever made. I told 
Dr. Staats enough of it, but could not get him to apprehend the Importance 
of it; and, it seem'd to me, that Volatile Speaker, Governeur, acted in 
concert with his Predecessor, and was false to his party. New York is an 
unhappy place, that there is not better choice of men to ser\-e the King and 
their Country. My wife fell very ill on the road between Pescattaqua and this 
place ; but, I thank God, is somewhat better. Our kind Service to Madam 
De Pevster ; mine to Dr. Staats, Mr. WALTERS, and your brother. Pray 
let me hear from you what passes at York ; and, be assured that, I am. 
Your very affectionate friend and ser\''t, 

BELLOMONT. 

* This must be de Riemer. See V. H. N. V., page 233. 



Vlll APPENDIX. 

Mr. SCHERMERHOORN, whom I writ to, to go and view some trees fit for 
masts for the King's ships, and send me word where they grew, and of what 
bigness they were, has answered my Letter, but tells me not w^here the trees 
grow, only says there are a good store, and large enough for the King's use. 
He desires I would grant him and the Mayor of Albany the Land where they 
grow, w'ch is 6 miles long and 2 broad, which is making a bargain with the 
King, and not dealing candidly with me. Pray, chide him and the Mayor of 
Albany for their disrespect to the King, and disingenueity to me. Besides, 
I have complain'd to the King of Coll. Fletcher's extravagant Grant's of 
Lands — and shall I commit the same fault and absurdity my selfe, that 1 have 
accus'd Fletcher? Pray, let me know whether Dr. Staats is likely to 
prevail with Lupardus and Nucella, to write to the Classis of Amsterdam 
and the Dutch Ministers in London, to prevent Dellius's ill designs and 
Lyings. Pray, send me a barrel of the best flour by the first sloop. 



Boston, 2Sth Aug., 1 16] 'pp. 

Sir. I thank you kindly for your Care in Imploying Latham to go and 
view the woods along with Mr. SCHERMERHOORN. Mr. Leisler* being here, 
I will make up of Dr. Staats and Mr. Governeur's affidavits, for his Interest 
and Service, and will send them to such hands in England as will make, I hope, 
a right use of them. 

I have not now Time to look over your account, though I am under no 
doubt with you — (having an entire opinion of your sincerity and uprightnesse) — 
nor yet to order Coll. Courtlandt to satisfie my debt to you ; but by next 
post you may expect it. 

I will not faile to write to the Ministers, in whom I have an Interest, in 
your behalf ; and will transmit them a state of your Case, exactly as you have 
now sent it to me. I am now engaged in preparing packets for England, to 
send by a ship that will go the end of this week or beginning of the next ; and 
then you shall not be forgot. My wife and I present our kind service to Madam 
De PeySTER. She bids me tell you the Letter Madam De Peyster was to 
write to her is forgot, and she upbraids you for deluding her w'th such false 
hopes. I am. 

Your ver)' affectionate friend and servant, 

BELLOMONT. 



* Son of the "remarkable" and deservedly distinguished Gov'r, Jacob Leisler, executed for 
treason in i6qi, whose innocence was subsequently established, the attainder reversed, and his properly 
restored to his family through the exertions of his son — by whom the loyalty of his father and of his 
brother-in-law, Milborne, and the machinations of their enemies, were plainly made manifest. 



APPENDIX. IX 

[On the back of the Idler is tlic foll(ns.n>ig :\ 

Mr. Weaver is certainly Collector of N. York, and has the King's Com- 
mission for it, as Sr. John Stanley writes me a word in a Letter I rec'd 
from him this last week; and Mr. Weaver writes in his last Letter he had 
kissed the King's hand for it, and had got the King's Warrant for preparing his 
Commission under the Great seal of England. I hope you have prevail'd w'th 
Dr. Staats, and those that have an Influence on Mr. NuCELLA and LUPARDUS, 
to get them to write to the Classis of Amsterdam to defeat Dellius's knavish 
designs. The Leisler party had done well to have subscrib'd Certificates 
against Dellius, as his friends did for him, and to have sent them to me. 



Boston, 4th Sept., [16] 'gg. 

Sir. I cannot perform my promise of Looking over your account as yet, 
for I am Ingaged at present, and have been so all this last week, in writing 
packets or volumes of Letters to England by a ship that pretends she stays 
for me. 

I writ to my Cousin Nanfan, last post, to Let the City of N. York have ye 
stones of the old bastion or batteries To build their Town-house. 

I am not dissatisfied with the Sheriffe, since my Cousin Nanfan and you 
vouch so for his honesty; but he should have taken more care of Buckmaster. 

I have writ to my Cousin Nanfan, this post, my reasons why it will not 
be fitt to Continue the same Mayor and Sheriffe another year for the city 
of N. York. 

As soon as you receive the original, or a Copy of the Letter to Dellius 
from the French woman at Canada, 1 desire you will not fail to send it To 

Your very affectionate Servant, 

BELLOMONT. 
Our Service I pray to Madam De Pevster. 

Mr. Leisler tells me an ugly story of Mr. Graham's design of Cheating 
him of a house-plot at N. York. I desire you will send for Mr. Walters 
privately, and advise him to Caution old Mrs. Leisler (with whom her son has 



X APPENDIX. 

left a General! Letter of Attorney | not to part with that piece of ground to 
Graham, nor anything else. That man will undo himself with his knavish 
Tricks. One would thinke he has guilt enough on his head, for being the 
Principall author of the murther of Lf.isler and MiLBURN; but, it seems, 
bathing his hands in the blood of the Father is not enough, but he will also 
cheat the son. I am content that you show this Letter to Mr. Walters ; and 
pray get him to send me affidavid of Mr. Graham's Insinuations to his Father, 
Leisler, and himselfe, to procure their Interest to be chosen a member of the 
Assembly ; w'ch they were prevail'd with to do, and afterwards he became 
Leisler's and Milburn's mortall Enemy. This account Mr. Walters told 
me once or twice. 

Dr. St,\ats also told me how he was affronted, and threatened by a Papist 
in the field, when the Election was of members to ser\'e in New York, in that 
very Assembly that worried Mr. Leisler and Milburn to death, under the 
conduct of Mr. Graham. Let me also have Dr. Staats' affidavit of that ; 
and some proof of Maj. Treadwell's imprisonment to hinder either his being 
Chose, or his sitting in Assembly after he was Chose. If it be possible, let me 
have these evidences next post. 



Boston, Sept. gth, [i6] 'gg. 

Sir. I have receiv'd yours of the 4th Inst., and will not faile to write to 
England ab't your affair with VAN SweetON w'th this packet, w'ch I am to 
send away within 4 or 5 days. 

I am very sorry I have not the Letter to Dellius to send home. I desire 
you will speak to Mr. Walters to deliver you upon oath what was transacted 
between Mr. Graham and him at the time Graham prevail'd w'th Capt. 
Leisler and him to make an interest for GRAHAM'S being chose to the 
Assembly, that press'd Coll. Slaughter to take away the lives of Capt. 
Leisler and Mr. Milburn, as I writ to you in my last Letter. And, pray, 
get Dr. Staats' affidavit, as I desir'd in that Letter. 'T is wonderfull to me 
that Dr. Staats and the rest of Leisler's Party have not, in all this time, got 
counter-subscriptions, sign'd by their party, at Albany, against DelliUS, as the 
other party got subscriptions in favor of Dellius. They are just the people 
that Will. Nichols paints Staats to be, in his pamphlet. Impenetrable 
B — . [blockheads?! 



APPENDIX. XI 

When you hear any news from Schermerhoorn ab'l the Trees for 
masts, pray let me know it. My wife's and my Service to Madam De Peyster. 

I am, 
Your affectionate friend and servant, 

BELLOMONT. 

I have writ to Coll. Courtlandt to pay you my arrear of Salary, and for 
ye time to come to pay it to you monthly, as it grows due. 
Coll. De Peyster. 



Boston, the jot h Oct., [i6J 'gi). 

Sir. I desire you will immediately send for Mr. Latham, the ship 
Carpenter, and Ingage him to set about Cutting and Squaring such a quantity 
of Ship Timber as will load the Ship Fortune against the Spring, when I will 
send her so loaden to Portsmouth, in England, for the use of the King's Navy. 
The question will be, whether Latham be well affected and honest, and will 
cut such Timber as is choice Timber. The four sorts w'ch I understand are 
fitted to be sent to England, are knees, planks, beams, and wale pieces. The 
next best thing to the cutting of principall Choice Timber, is the doing of it 
Cheap — wherein I desire you will contrive all the ways you can think of, for my 
credit. If 3 or 4 souldiers will be useful to Mr. Latham to help in felling of 
Trees, my Cousin Nanfan, upon sight of this Letter, will order so many of 
them, if so many can be found that will or can work ; and I will allow such 
souldiers 4 shills. per week over and above their present subsistence. Pray, 
take more than ordinary pains to agree w'th Latham at as cheap a rate as 
possibly you can. My wife's and my kind Service to Madam De Peyster. 

I am, 
Yr. very affect, friend and servant, 

BELLOMONT. 
yOn the back of the Letter is the follmving :\ 

1 will not fail to recommend you to England, for the supplying the frigat at 
N. York ; and I hope ere long to Imploy you in a businesse that will be five 
times more profitable than that. Pray, write me word, ne.xt post, what agree- 
ment Latham and you are like to come to. 1 would have you acquaint my 
Cousin Nanfan w'th the steps you make in that matter, and take his advice in 
every p'ticular ab't it. 



Xll APPENDIX. 

I hope you have taken care to return another 100/ to Mr. PALMER, in 
beaver skins, or logwood, or something ; and if you have not done it, I desire 
you will not faile to do it by next ship, and send me word of it with the master's 
and ship's name, that I may give Mr. Palmer's advice of it from hence. 



[ This is another Letter — date gone.'l 

I have rec'd yours of the 8th Inst., and have writ to my Cousin Nanfan, 
to stand by and support Latham in cutting and bringing away the Timber. 
I have letters from England by Mason, but the dates so stale that the news 
and accounts must be so too. The Ministers seem pleas'd with the act of 
Assembly of N. York for vacating the extravagant Grants of Lands. We have 
no news of Mr. Goodwin's receit of the y>£ you remitted to London for my 
wife. Pray, let me know if your Correspondent has given you any account of 
paying that money. 

I have writ to Coll. Courtlandt, this post, to quicken him in paying you 
all that is due of my salary — tho' he has promis'd, in his letter, this post, to do 
it out of the first money he receives. In his account sent out a month ago, he 
charges me with 300;^, which I order'd to be paid to Coll. Schuyler, for 
victualling, soon after coming into that province ; but I have now writ to my 
Cousin Nanfan, to p'cure an ordet of Council for placing that debt on the 
Revenue, there being no reason in the world I should pay it out of my salary. 
Therefore, there will be 300^ more for you to receive for me — only that I am 
willing to Lend my Co. NanfaN tp£ of it. I desire you will not faile to . . 

for charging that sum and when that's done, to 

solicite Coll. Courtlandt for the payment of that, and all the rest of my 
arrear of salary to you. 

My wife desires yours and Madam De Pevster's care in Looking after 
the necklace of pearl. She has sent you a role of Tobacco lately, sent me from 
Virginia, by Coll. Jennings, w'ch she hopes will prove as sweet-scented as any 
you have smoak'd this long time. 'T is deliver'd to one Teller, the master of 
a sloop, which is to sail the first fair wind to N. York. 

Pray, take care about providing suitable goods for the Indians, against my 
going to Albany, as I desired you in my last. Our affectionate ser\'ice to 
Madam De Peyster. 

I am your affectionate friend, and humble servant, 

BELLOMONT. 



APPENDIX. Xlll 

Pray, do not fail to speak to my Co. Nanfan, to order Coll. COURTLANDT 
to pay you the price of the ship Nassau, w'ch Mr. GRAHAM gave his opinion 
belonged wholly to me, as being a wreck, and Mr. Newton is of the same 
' opinion here. There's no reason Coll. Courtlandt should keep the money 
all this while in his hands, and I perceive he would willingly to the end of the 
Chapter. 

Coll. Hamilton writes to a person in this Town that the faction . . . k 
desire that De .... not return to Albany. Pray, let me know how you 
feel by that piece pf news. 



Boston, the 24th. 

Sir. I have rec'd, this post, your Letters of the 8th and l8th Inst., and 
am glad you have Imployed Mr. Latham in Cutting the Ship Timber, and 
hope he will perform that service according to my expectation. I writ last post 
to the Lieut.-Govemor, to appoint Mr. Walters Judge of the Superior Court. 

I am heartily glad of your victory agt. Van Sweeten in England. 1 am 
also glad of your two ships coming laden from the Madeiras, w'ch will supply 
new York plentifully w'th wine ; and I hope you will find your account largely 
therein. 

I desire you will let me know what you take to be the Cause of the present 
scarcity of money in N. York. It would make one believe merchants there send 
it to England in specie, as the merchants here do. 

I have writ, this post, again, to Coll. Courtlandt, to pay you all the 
arrears of my salary. He shall find, in a little time, that I know when I am ill 
us'd, for I can take away when I please the benefit he has of furnishing the 
Fort with wood, and other things, and paying workmen, w'ch I believe he 
makes more than ordinary advantage of, and also of victualling the Companies 

— and of this last article a good advantage, when the subsistence 

is paid in England. I am now in a way of making that matter certain, so that 
the victuallers shall, for the time to come, receive their money duly. 

My wife presents her thanks and service to Madam De Peyster, for her 
kind Letter. She has a pain in her head, or she would answer it this post : she 
desires by all means Madam De Peyster will be so kind as to secure the pearl 
necklace for her, if it be good and Cheap. 

I draw on Coll. Courtlandt, this post, for 56/ 5s., by bill of exchange, 
payable to Joseph Bueno, the Jew, at ten days' sight. I wish you would 
watch whether Courtlandt be carefull to save my credit. Perhaps he may 
be such a brute as to let my credit suffer, and not accept my bill ; but I will 



XIV APPENDIX. 

then Immediately turn him out of all. I dare not meddle with a farthing of the 
2,ooO;{J tax till I have the King's leave. I am quite out of money. I hope to 
see you at N. York the latter end of June. My service to Madam De Peyster. 
I conclude. 

Your very affectionate Friend and Servant, 

BELLOMONT. 

Against next post, I will examine Coll. Courtlandt's account of my 
salary, which I have not yet had time to do. 



Boston, the sth April, 1700. 

Sir. I receiv'd not yours of the 25th of last month till this day — the post 
having been stopped four or five days on the way hither by the bad weather. 

I am very thankfull for your kindness, in supplying me with the Two 50^ 
bills of exchange ; but having drawn last post on Coll. CouRTLANDT for 50;£, 
I shall have occasion but for one of the Bills, and do now return you t'other. 

I am glad you write me word that Mr. LATHAM is proceeding in cutting 
the Ship Timber, which I desire you will Incourage him in, for I set my heart 
much on that matter. 

I have directed a message to be carried to the 5 Nations, by Coll. 
Schuyler, Mr. Livingston and Mr. Hanson, and John Baptist Van 
Epp is to go Interpreter with them. They are to go no further than to the 
Onondaga's Castle, and are to send my message to the other Nations by some 
trusty Indians. They have my instructions, in writing, what to say to the 
Indians, and how to behave themselves in every respect. I have appointed all 
the Sachems of the 5 Nations to meet me at Albany on the loth day of next 
August, and the messengers are to tell them that I intend them then a good 
present. I desire you will keep this private a while, tho' long it will not be a 
secret at Yorke, because I have writ to the Commiss'ers at Albany of my design. 
I wish you would advise me, too, how I may secure a quantity of such woolen 
clothes as are fit for the Indians, viz : shrowds and dresses, i&c, and not pay so 
extravagant rates for them, as I did the last time I went to Albany, and there 
must be Linen for shirts for them too. I would gladly have you and Mr. 
Livingston concern'd in furnishing those things, provided I maybe reasonably 
used, and I will undertake to pay you in 3 months' time. I intend as good a 
present to the Indians as ever was yet made them, and from thence you may 



APPENDIX. XV 

take your measures as to the quantity yiiu are to provide. I am told those 
woolends may be had 20 per cent, cheaper than at York ; but I hope you will 
take such a course, as I may not be abus'd in the price. I would employ you 
singly in the affair, but that I am obliged to IVIr. LIVINGSTON, and would not 
willingly put any slight upon him. Besides, I believe I must lodge at his house 
at Albany. 

We are in fear that the ship commanded by Mason and Horton, and the 
brigantine by Jones, are all three lost. 

Pray, give my service to your brother, the late Mayor, and to Dr. Staats, 
Mr. Waters and Mr. Governeur. Tell Mr. Gouverneur I rec'd his letter 
and new's, and thank him for it, but have not time to write to him. 

I desire you will Inquire whether there has been any news at York of 
Mr. Leisler's arrivall in England. I sent a packet to England by him, to the 
Ministers — but have not since heard of him or from him. 

Let me know if it be True if Mr. HunGERFORD is married to Mistress 
Bond. 

My wife desires the favor of Madam De Peyster, to buy her the pearl 
necklace, if they be good and reasonably cheap. So, w'th our kind service to 
her, I conclude. 

Your affectionate friend and humble servant, 

BELLOMONT. 



Boston, the i2tli of May, lyoo. 

Sir. I had not time to write to you last post, to tell you I receiv'd yours 
of the 29th of last month, w'th 3 papers inclosed, viz : a bill of loading signed 
Mathias de Hart, another signed John Van Brugh, and a copy of Coll. 
Courtlandt's account of the price of the ship Nassau. 

Yours of the 6th inst. I rec'd last night. I desire you will deliver the 
Inclosed letter to Capt. Evertson, for the Governor of Kickoverall. When 
I come to York, it will be time enough to endenize Capt. Evertson, and so 
tell him. I had a letter from Mr. Governeur about itt this post. 

I am glad the new Town-house is so far advanced. I fear by Mr. Latham's 
stay so long in the woods, he will make that Ship Timber I bespoke very 
chargeable, w'ch will spoil the good grace of the matter. 

Our kind service to Madam De PevSTER. I am, ' 

Your affectionate friend and servant, 

BELLOMONT. 



XVI APPENDIX. 

Dr. Staats writes Coll. Romer word that Spencer is come from 
England, and says he heard Fletcher * say he would have me out of my 
Governments, tho' it should cost him lo,ooO;£. Pray, let me know the truth 
of it, but malce the inquiry as privately as you can. 

De Rimer, the late Sheriffe, and Mr. Gouverneur, have plaid the fool 
extremely, for taking such a foolish bond for Shelley's appearance. I believe 
I shall be directed from England to prosecute them both for putting such a 
fraud upon the King, for it can passe under no better a name. 



Boston, the 8lli of June, 1700. 

Sir. I am glad of your safe return home from your circuit. I have had 
no letters from the Ministers by the two Ships lately come from London, except 
one from my Lord Chancellor, and two or three from particular friends. It 
seems Mr. Weaver sent the Ministers packets by Jeffers, to N. York, who 
is, I hope, arriv'd there by this time. I am afraid Latham will have made 
that Timber he is about very chargeable, which will spoil my design in a g^eat 
measure. 

I am quite out of paper, and this town affords none that is good. Our kind 
Service to Madam De Peyster. 

I am your affectionate friend and Servant, 

BELLOMONT. 

Pray, call on Mr. Cl.\RKSON for my fees, and receive them for me. I believe 
I shall be forced to find another Secretary, that has sense enough not to betray 
the Secrets of the Government. HunGERFORD must have had notice of the 
writts for arresting, from ClarKSON. 



Boston, the yth July, 1700. 

Sir. Latham's account has frighted me— it seeming to me a most 
extravagant one. I can only tell you that Mr. Partridge, for 3oo_£, loaded a 
ship of 260 Tons, at Pescattaway ; and the ship Fortune, which is but of a 130 
Ton, will, at this rate, take a load that will cost 306^. 6s. 2>^d. I desire you 



* Col. Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of the Colony prior to Bkllomont. 



APPENDIX. XVll 

will forbear paying the money till I get to York, for I am not at all satisfied 
with Latham's account, and his usage of me. I had better have had the 
timber provided at Pescattaway than have run the hazard of being so cheated, 
as I find I am like to be. 

My wife and I are thankfuie for your kind Invitation to your house, but we 
are Loath to be Troublesome to you, and therefore Intend to go directly to the 
Fort, and there take up our quarters. Our kind service to Madam De Peyster. 

I am your affectionate friend, 

and humble servant, 

BELLOMONT. 

I intend to embark next Friday, God willing. I believe the Timber ought 
to be shipped out of hand. 



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